A History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages; volume III

“Obe ut Valla silet solitus qui parcere nulli est! Si quæris quid agat nunc quoque mordet humum.”—(Bayle, l.c.).

[619] Raynald. ann. 1459, No. 31; ann. 1461, No. 9, 10.—Æn. Sylvii Opp. inedd. pp. 453, 506-7, 524, 653.—B. Platinæ Vit. Pauli III.—Creighton, Hist. of the Popes, II. 440; III. 39.

[620] Gregor. Heymburg. Confut. Primatus Papæ (Fascic. Rer. Expetend. II. 117).—B. Platinæ Vit. Pauli II.—Cantù, I. 186-7, 198.

Creighton (Hist. of the Popes, III. 276 sqq.) has printed from a Cambridge MS. a curious correspondence between Pomponio, while imprisoned in the Castle of Sant’ Angelo, and his jailer, Rodrigo de Arevalo, afterwards Bishop of Zamora. It shows how fragile was the philosophy of the Platonists when exposed to real privations.

[621] Marsil. Ficin. Epistt. Libb. VIII., XI., XII. (Opp. Ed. 1561, I. 866-7, 931, 946, 962-3); De Christ. Relig. c. 11, 13, 22, 24, 26 (I. 15, 18, 25, 29); De Vita Cœlitus comparanda Lib. III. c. 1, 2 (I. 532-33); In Platonem (II. 1390); In Plotinum c. 6, 7, 12, 15 (II. 1620-22, 1633, 1636).—Cantù, I. 179.

Yet we find him attributing a fever and diarrhœa to the influence of Saturn in the house of Cancer, for Saturn had been in his geniture from the beginning; and his cure he ascribes to a vow made to the Virgin.—Epistt. Opp. I. 644, 733.

[622] D’Argentré I. II. 250.—Cantù, I. 182, III. 699-700.

[623] J. Pic. Mirand. Vita, Conclusiones, Apologia, Alexand. PP. VI. Bull. Omnium Catholicor. (Opp. Basil. 1572). Cf. Cantù, I. 185.

[624] Concil. Lateran. V. Sess. VIII. (Harduin. IX. 1719).—Ripoll IV. 373.—Renan, pp. 53, 363.—P. Pomponatii Tract. de Immort. Animæ c. xiv.—Cantù, I. 179-81.—Bayle, s. v. Pomponace, Note D.

The device by which philosophers escaped responsibility for their philosophy is illustrated by the concluding words of Agostino Nifo’s treatise De Cœlo et Mundo, in 1514: “In qua omnibus pateat me ornnia esse locutum ut phylosophum: quæ vero viderentur Sanctæ Romanæ Ecclesiæ dissonare illico revocamus, asserentes ea incuria nostra proficisci non autem a malitia, quare nostras bas interprætationes omnes et quascunque alias in quibusvis libris editis Sanctæ Romanæ Ecclesiæ submittimus.”

And so Marsilio Ficino—“Nos autem in omnibus quæ scribimus eatenus affirmari a nobis aliisque volumus quatenus Christianorum theologorum concilio videatur”—De Immort. Animæ, Lib. XVIII. c. 5.

Pomponazio winds up his treatise on the immortality of the soul with “Hæc itaque sunt quæ mihi in hac materia dicenda videntur. Semper tamen in hoc et in aliis subjiciendo sedi Apostolicæ”—De Immort. Animæ c. xv.

[625] P. Pomponatii Tract. de Immort. Animæ c. iv., viii., xiv., xiv.—Prieriat. de Strigimagar. Lib. I. c. iv., v.—Llorente, Hist. de l’Inq. d’Espagne, ch. xv. Art. ii. No. 4.

[626] Renan, pp. 367-72.—Cantù, I. 183.

[627] Villari, Frà Girolamo Savonarola, Ed. 1887, T. II. p. 3.

[628] Cartas de D. Fr. Feyjoo, Carta XXII. (T. I. p. 180).

[629] Historia General de Mallorca, III. 40-2 (Palma, 1841).—Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I. 514-15.—Nic. Anton. Bibl. Hispan. Lib. IX. c. iii. No. 73.

[630] Mariana, Hist. de España, Lib. XV. c. 4.—Hist. Gen. de Mallorca, I. 601, III. 44-6.—Nic. Anton. l. c. No. 74.—Wadding. ann. 1275, No. 12.

[631] Wadding. ann. 1293, No. 3; ann. 1215, No. 2, 5.—C. 1. Clement. v. 1.—Nic. Anton. I. c. No. 76.—Hist. Gen. de Mallorca, II. 1058-9, 1063; III. 64-5, 72.

[632] Nic. Anton. 1. c. No. 87-154.—Hist. Gen. de Mall. III. 68, 70, 96-8.—R. Lullii Art. Mag. P. IX. c. 52 (Opp. Ed. Argentorati, 1651, p. 438).

For an account of Lully’s poetical works, see Chabaneau (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, x. 379).

[633] Hist. Gen. de Mall. III. 71, 78.—Pelayo, I. 530, 535, 537, 539.—Nic. Anton. 1. c. No. 82.—Gersoni Epist. ad. Bart. Carthus; Ejusd. De Exam. Doctr. P. II. Consid. 1.—Corn. Agrippæ de Vanitate Scient. c. 9.—Hieron. Cardan, de Subtil. Rer. Lib. xv.—Mariana, Lib. xv. c. 4.

[634] Pelayo, I. 519-23.—R. Lullii Lamentat. Philosoph.

[635] Pelayo, I. 499, 528.—Hist. Gen. de Mall. III. 85.—D’Argentré I. I. 256-7, 259—Pegnæ Append. ad Eymeric. pp. 67-8.—Bofarull. Documentos, VI. 360.

[636] Eymeric. Direct. pp. 255-61.

Pegna says (p. 262) that in the MSS. of Eymerich’s work the list of errors is fewer than in the printed text, and this is confirmed by Father Denifle (Archiv. für Litt.-u. K. 1885, p. 143). Apparently the Dominicans of the fifteenth century, when they printed the Directorium, interpolated errors to aid them in the controversy over Lully.

[637] D’Argentré I. I. 258, 260.—Hist. Gen. de Mall. III. 82-4.—Pelayo, I. 784-5.

[638] Hist. Gen. de Mall. III. 59, 83-6.—Pelayo, I. 498, 787-88.—D’Argentré I. I. 259-61.—Nic. Anton. I. c. No. 78.—Ripoll II. 290.

[639] Hist. Gen. de Mall. III. 65-6, 92, 94-5.—Gabrieli Prateoli Elenchus Hæret. Colon. 1608, p. 423.—D’Argentré I. I. 259, 261.—Reusch, Der Index der verbotenen Bücher, I. 27-33.—Benedict. PP. XIV. De Servorum Dei Beatif. Lib. I. c. xl. § 4.—Raynald. ann. 1372, No. 35.

In 1533 Arnaldo Albertino, Inquisitor of Valencia, complained bitterly of the injustice which ranked as a heretic such a man as Lully, who was inspired by God and was rather to be worshipped as a saint.—Albertini Repetitio nova, Valentia, 1534, col. 406.

The publication of a complete critical edition of Lully’s works has recently been commenced at Padua by D. Jerón. Roselló, under the patronage of the Archduke Ludwig Salvator of Austria.

[640] S. Augustin, De Genesi ad litteram Lib. XII. c. 35, 36; De Civ. Dei Lib. XXII. c. 29. Cf. De Doctr. Christ. Lib. I. c. 31; Epistt. cxviii. § 14, clxix. § 3 (Ed. Benedict.).—Matt. Paris ann. 1243 (p. 415).—Th. Aquinat. Sum. Suppl. Q. xcii.—S. Bonavent. Breviloq. VII. 5, 7; Centiloq. III. 50; Pharetræ IV. 50.—W. Preger, Zeitschrift für die histor. Theol. 1869, pp. 41-2.

[641] C. 3, Clem. v. iii.—Ripoll II. 172.—Wadding. ann. 1331, No. 5.—Paul Lang. Chron. Citicens. (Pistor, I. 1207, 1210).—Gob. Person. Cosmodr. Æt. VI. c. 71.—D’Argentré I. I. 315 sqq.—P. de Herenthals Vit. Joann. XXII. ann. 1333 (Muratori S. R. I. III. II. 501).—Guill. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1331.—Villani, X. 226.—Chron. Glassberger ann. 1331.

[642] W. Preger, Die Politik des Pabstes Johann XXII. pp. 14, 66, 69.—Alphons. de Spina Fortalic. Fidei Lib. II. Consid. xii.—Vitodurani Chron. (Eccard. Corp. Hist. I. 1806-7).—Martene Thesaur. I. 1383.—D’Argentré I. I. 316-17. 319-22.—Isambert, Anc. Loix Franç. IV. 387.—Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1333.—Raynald. ann. 1334, No. 27, 37, etc.—Wadding. ann. 1334, No. 14.—Villani, XI. 19.—Baluz. et Mansi, III. 350.—Grandes Chroniques, ann. 1334 (V. 97).

[643] Molinier, Études sur quelques MSS. des Bibliothèques d’Italie, p. 116.—Chron. Glassberger ann. 1334.—Benedict. XII Vit. Tert. ann. 1335-6 (Muratori S. R. I. III. II. 539-41).—Ejusd. Vit. Prim. ann. 1338 (Ibid. p. 534).—Eymeric. p. 421.—Concil. Florent. ann. 1439 P. II. Union. Decret. (Harduin. IX. 986).

A remark of Æneas Sylvius in 1453 shows that, notwithstanding these authoritative definitions, the old belief still lingered that the glory of the saints was postponed till the Day of Judgment (Opp. inedd.—Atti della Accad. dei Lincei, 1883, p. 567).

[644] S. Anselmi Cur Deus Homo Lib. II. c. xvi.; Ejusd. Lib. de Conceptu Virginali.—S. Bernardi Epist. 174, ad Canon. Lugdun.—D’Argentré I. II. 60.—Pet. Lombardi Sententt. Lib. III. Dist. iii. Q. 1.—Innoc. PP. III. Sermo XII. in Purif. S. Mariæ.

[645] Pet. Blesens. Sermo XII., XXXIII.,XXXVIII.—S. Bonavent. Speculi Beatæ Virginis c. i., ii., viii., ix.—The mediæval conception of the Virgin, as the intercessor between God and man and the source of all good, is expressed by Fazio degli Uberti—

“Tu sola mitigasti la discordia Che fu tra Dio e l’ uomo; e tu cagione Sei d’ ogni bene che quaggiù si esordia.”

[646] Thom. Aquin. Summ. I. ii. Q. 81, Art. 4; III. Q. 14, Art. 4, Q. 27.—D’Argentré I. I. 275.—Alvar. Pelag. de Planctu Eccles. Lib. II. Art 52.—Chron. de Saint-Just (Vaissette, Éd. Privat, VIII. 225).—Concil. Londin. ann. 1328 c. 2 (Harduin. VII. 1538).