Mythology among the Hebrews and Its Historical Development

179. See on this J. Muir, Contributions to a Knowledge of the Vedic Theogon and Mythology (Journal of Royal Asiatic Society, N.S., 1864, I. pp. 54–58).

180. Max Müller, Lectures on the Science of Language, Second Series, p. 430.

181. Max Müller, Chips, &c., II. p. 65. Muir, l. c. p. 77 et seq.

182. This is connected with Müller’s view that ‘language must die before it can enter into a new stage of mythological life’ (Lectures on the Science of Language, Second Series, p. 426).

183. Lectures, &c., Second Series, p. 432.

184. Rawlinson, History of Herodotus, I. 211.

185. V. 3: ἀλλὰ γὰρ τοῦτο ἄπορόν σφι καὶ ἀμήχανον μή κοτε ἐγγένηται· εἰσὶ δὴ κατὰ τοῦτο ἀσθενέες.

186. The literature is clearly and concisely enumerated in G. Rawlinson’s essay On the Early History of the Athenians, §8-11 (Hist. of Herod., Bk. II. Essay II.). But it must be added that the idea of the learned author—‘The Attic castes, if they existed, belong to the very infancy of the nation, and had certainly passed into tribes long before the reign of Codrus’—does not agree with the historical sequence demanded by the connexion of the tribes with nomadic life and that of the caste with fixed tenure. In the very nature of the case the division into tribes is proper to nomadism, which knows of no systematic occupation with arts and trades, whereas the division into castes presupposes such an occupation with trades and arts as only a sedentary life renders possible. Therefore, between tribes and castes the priority will always have to be assigned to the former.

187. Spiegel, Ueber die eranische Stammesverfassung (Abhandlungen der kön. bair. Akad. d. W., 1855, Bd. VII.); Kasten und Stände in der arischen Vorzeit (Ausland, 1874, No. 36).

188. Die heiligen Schriften der Parsen, in German, III. vi.

189. Ibid. II. xiv.-xv.

190. Zeitschrift d. D. M. G. 1852, VI. 67 et seq.

191. God in History, II. 8.

192. Narrative of a Year’s Journey through Central and Eastern Arabia, I. 8.

193. See Welcker. Griechische Götterlehre, I. 551.

194. Zur hauranischen Alterthumskunde (Zeitschrift der D. M. G., 1861, XV. 444).

195. It should be noted that from Ibn Dureyd, Kitâb al-ishtiḳâḳ, p. 96. II, it is evidently possible that in such compounds the word ʿabd itself may belong to the idol; he writes wa-ʿabdu shamsin zaʿamû ṣanamun wa-ḳâla ḳaumun bal ʿaynu mâin maʿrufatun wa-hua ismun ḳadîmun: ‘ʿAbd Shams is in the opinion of some an idol, others say it is the name of a well-known spring of water: it is an old name.’

196. Tuch, Sinaitische Inschriften (Zeitschr. der D. M. G., 1849, III. 202).—Osiander, Vorislam. Religion der Araber (Zeitschr. der D. M. G., 1853. VII. 483).

197. Tâj-al-ʿarûs, II. 209.

198. Schlottmann, Die Inschrift Eshmunazar’s, Halle 1868, p. 84.

199. Yâḳût, IV. 85. See al-Jawâlîḳî’s Livre des locutions vicieuses (ed. Derenbourg in Morgenländ. Forschungen), p. 153.

200. Zur vergleichenden Religionsgeschichte, 1 Art. (Ausland 1872), p. 4. See also 1871, p. 1159.

201. Compare also the Himyaric proper name Ben Sîn (Halévy, Études sabéennes [Journal Asiat. 1874, II. 543]).

202. Lenormant, Les premières civilisations, II. 158.

203. Schrader, Die Höllenfahrt der Istar, p. 45.

204. Egypt’s Place in Universal History, IV. 342.

205. In his essay on the Egyptian antiquities at the Great Exhibition of 1867 at Paris.

206. I must explain that the preceding four sections were already written down, before I could get a sight of Kuhn’s essay, which appeared later.

207. Ueber Entwickelungsstufen der Mythenbildung, Berlin 1874; from the Abhandlungen der königl. Akademie d. Wiss. zu Berlin (phil.-hist. Klasse), 1873, pp. 123–137.

208. Rude Stone Monuments in all Countries, their Ages and Uses, London 1872, pp. 9 et seq. and 28.

209. The same is stated of some American tribes by Sir J. Lubbock, The Origin of Civilisation, ed. 3, 1875, pp. 273, 306, et seq.

210. Georg Schweinfurth, The Heart of Africa, I. p. 200.

211. But we cannot on this account characterise the Semites generally by the assertions, ‘The Semites are in general a pastoral people,’ ‘the Semites live in tents,’ as Friedrich von Hellwald does in his Culturgeschichte in ihrer natürlichen Entwickelung, p. 134. A glance at the sedentary Phenicians and the settled Semites of Mesopotamia shows at once the important exceptions. It must also not be overlooked that agriculture was in practice to no small extent among the Phenicians; even the Romans call a kind of threshing machine, the ‘Punic:’ Varro, De re rustica, I. 52; cf. Lowth, De sacra poesi Hebraeorum, Oxford 1821, Prael. VII. p. 62. The commerce with Egypt, which von Hellwald brings into prominence, is no sufficient reason why the favourite characterisation of the Semites does not apply to these nations. The Hebrews continued their nomadic life for a long time after they had made intimate acquaintance with Egypt; and the nomadic Arabs were not materially influenced by communication with sedentary nations.

212. Given by Josephus Langius, Florilegii magni seu Polyantheae ... libri XXIII., Lugduni 1681, I. 120, as by Aristophanes; but the author and the translator have searched the works and fragments of Aristophanes in vain.

213. Ovid also begins with the life of the fields; his golden age is distinguished from the others only in this, that:

Ipsa quoque immunis, rastroque intacta, nec ullis

Saucia vomeribus, per se dabat omnia tellus;

and

Mox etiam fruges tellus inarata ferebat:

Nec renovatus ager gravidis canebat aristis.