NOTES TO CHAPTER SEVENTH.
Project Gutenberg EPUB3 edition
Lane, Edward William, Poole, Edward Stanley, and Harvey, William
Note 1. Damascus is afterwards mentioned in the original as the abode of this merchant's family; but not here.
Note 2. "Ghánim" signifies "a taker of spoil," "a fortunate acquirer of anything;" and "Eiyoob" is the name which we call "Job."
Note 3. "Fitneh" signifies "temptation," "seduction," "disturbance," &c.
Note 4. By the term "loads" we are always to understand "camel-loads," unless it is otherwise expressed. A camel-load is generally about three hundred-weights.
Note 5. Or vesicles of musk. In the original, "nawáfeḥ" is put for "nawáfij."
Note 6. A great recompense in the world to come is to be the lot of him who takes part in a funeral-procession.
Note 7. The ablution was necessary to qualify Ghánim for joining in the prayer over the dead.
Note 8. "Ṣawáb" signifies "rectitude."
Note 9. "Káfoor" is the Arabic for "camphor." Instances of antiphrasis in the names given to black slaves are very common.
Note 10. "Bakheet" signifies "fortunate," from "bakht" ("fortune"), a word borrowed from the Persian.
Note 11. I am not sure that this is to be understood as a jest; for I have been assured, by a slave-dealer and other persons in Cairo, that sometimes slaves brought to that city are found to be cannibals; and that a proof lately occurred there; an infant having been eaten by its black nurse. I was also told that these cannibals are generally distinguished by an elongation of the os coccygis; or in other words, that they have tails!
Note 12. The story here alluded to is inserted in the original; but, being extremely objectionable, and too short and simple to be abridged, I have been compelled to omit it altogether.
Note 13. This story is not in the old version; but I think the reader will consider it worthy of insertion in the present series, as an amusing illustration of the customs which are often observed by the Arabs on the occasion of the death of the master of a family. I can bear testimony to the general correctness of the picture which it presents; or rather state, that the greatest of the extravagances which it describes are not unfrequently practised in the present day.
Note 14. As the Arab women are much more reluctant to uncover the upper and back part of the head than they are to shew the face, before strange men, such a scene as that which is here described is very seldom witnessed; but I have seen not so unfrequently a woman with her face uncovered, and besmeared with mud, on her receiving the news of the sudden death of a near relation.
Note 15. This, to some readers, may require explanation. To free a slave who has no means of providing for himself, and not to grant him any means to do so, is almost the heaviest punishment that can be inflicted upon him; and to do this, unless for a heinous crime, is considered disgraceful.
Note 16. This is not just; for as soon as the slave is emancipated he is legally free, without doubt: but it is inserted in the tale as a jest.354
Note 17. See Note 46 to Chapter ii.—This mode of disposing of a rival in the ḥareem is said to have been not very unfrequently adopted.
Note 18. I suspect that the original presents here an error, which I have endeavoured to correct.—The names which the lady ejaculates are to be understood as those of female slaves, her attendants. "Zahr-el-Bustán" signifies "Flower of the Garden;" "Ṣabeeḥah," "Beautiful;" "Shejeret-ed-Durr," "Tree of Pearls" (this is the vulgar mode of pronouncing "Shejer-ed-Durr," which was the name of the wife of the Sulṭán Eṣ-Ṣáleḥ Nejm-ed-Deen, afterwards Queen of Egypt); "Noor-el-Hudà," "Light of Day," or "Light of Guidance;" "Nejmet-eṣ-Ṣubḥ," "Star of the Morning;" "Nuzheh," "Delight;" "Ḥulweh," "Sweet;" and "Ẓareefeh," "Elegant."
Note 19. From this point, to the relation of the stratagem employed by Zubeydeh, I omit much that is unsuitable for insertion in the translation, as approaching to licentiousness.
Note 20. Perhaps it is unnecessary to mention, that "the Prophet's Uncle" here alluded to was El-'Abbás; and that the "descendant" was Hároon Er-Rasheed.
Note 21. "Ḳoot-el-Ḳuloob" signifies "Food (or Sustenance) of Hearts."
Note 22. As black, which was the distinguishing colour of the banners and dress of the 'Abbásee Khaleefehs, was originally assumed in token of mourning for such of their relations as were victims of the Umawees, it may have continued for a long time to be used for a similar purpose: but the modern colour of mourning among the Arabs is blue; and it is remarkable that the term which properly signifies "black" is commonly applied by them to dark blue.—On the subject of mourning, see Note 52 to Chapter ii.
Note 23. "Kheyzurán" and "Ḳaḍeeb" signify respectively, "a Cane" (particularly "Indian Cane"), and "a Rod," or "a long and slender Branch."
Note 24. See note 85 to Chapter iii.
Note 25. By "the Sulṭán" is meant the Viceroy of Damascus, though the title is improperly used in this sense.
Note 26. The account of the disgusting treatment of Ghánim's mother and sister, which follows in this place in the old version, is not in either of the copies of the original which I possess, containing this tale. Hence, and as it is extremely inconsistent with Arab customs and feelings, I have little doubt of its being an interpolation by some ignorant copyist.
Note 27. See Note 18 to Chapter vi.
Note 28. By Ghánim's ḥareem, we are here to understand his mother and sister; the term "ḥareem" being often used to signify a man's female relations residing in his house.
Note 29. It is implied that she visited the sheykhs (by which are here meant the devotees) to request the aid of their prayers; and gave alms for the sake (or in the name) of Ghánim in order to propitiate Providence in his favour.
Note 30.—On the Charitable Disposition of the Arabs. Some remarks which I have made on this subject with reference to the Egyptians, in a former work, are equally applicable to the Arabs in general. "Benevolence and charity to the poor are virtues which the Egyptians possess in an eminent degree, and which are instilled into their hearts by religion; but from their own profession it appears that they are as much excited to the giving of alms by the expectation of enjoying corresponding rewards in heaven, as by pity for the distresses of their fellow-creatures, or a disinterested wish to do the will of God. It may be attributed, in some measure, to the charitable disposition of the inhabitants, that beggars are so numerous in Cairo. The many handsome Sebeels, or public fountains (buildings erected and endowed for the gratuitous supply of water to passengers), which are seen in this city, and the more humble structures of the same kind in the villages and fields, are monuments of the same virtue."355 So also the numerous Kháns for the reception of travellers, in countries occupied by the Arabs, bear testimony to the charity of this people.
Note 31. This is often said by an Arab to a person against whom he knows or fears himself to have committed an offence. The most urgent reason for doing so may be seen by reverting to No. 9 of the notes to Chapter iv.
Note 32. This compliment has occasioned, in the old version, an error of the most serious kind, by its having been understood in its literal sense. Ghánim is made to propose that the Khaleefeh should take his sister as one of his favourites (i. e. concubines); which, as she was a free woman, would be a crime of the foulest nature.
Note 33. We are to understand this sum of money as being Fitneh's dowry.—Here it may be mentioned, that the Khaleefeh, by marrying Fitneh, severely punished Zubeydeh: for he thus gave her a wife, instead of a concubine, as a rival.
Note 34.—On the Passion of Love among the Arabs. A few remarks on this subject may be inserted to justify the picture of love presented in the foregoing tale. That sensual passion is most prevalent among the Arabs cannot be doubted; but I think it unjust to suppose them generally incapable of a purer feeling, worthy, if constancy be a sufficient test, of being termed true love. That they are not so, appears evident to almost every person who mixes with them in familiar society; for such a person must have opportunities of being acquainted with many Arabs sincerely attached to wives whose personal charms have long vanished, and who have neither wealth nor influence of their own, nor wealthy nor influential relations, to induce their husbands to refrain from divorcing them. It very often happens, too, that an Arab is sincerely attached to a wife possessed, even in the best portion of her age, of few charms; and that the lasting favourite among two or more wives is not the most handsome. This opinion, I am sorry to observe, is at variance, as far as the Arabs of the towns are concerned, with that entertained by one of the most intelligent and experienced of modern travellers, who long resided among this people,—the justly-celebrated Burckhardt:356 but it is confirmed by numerous facts related by respectable Arab authors (and therefore not regarded by them as of an incredible nature), as well as by cases which have fallen under my own observation.
The tale of Leylà and Mejnoon, "the Juliet and Romeo of Arabia," is too well known to be here repeated; but among many other anecdotes of strong and constant love, the following may be inserted:—
The Khaleefeh Yezeed the son of 'Abd-El-Melik, it is said, had two female slaves; One of whom was named Ḥabbábeh, and the other, Selámeh; to the former of whom he was most ardently attached: he had purchased her for a hundred thousand dirhems; and the other, for ten thousand. In the company of these two females he sometimes shut himself up for three months together, utterly neglecting the affairs of his people. At length, being reproved for this conduct by his brother Meslemeh, he promised to return to his duty: but the two slaves diverted him from his purpose; and on the following morning, excited by their songs and caresses, and by wine, he became frantic with pleasure, and danced and sang like a madman, till a fatal accident put a stop to his joy: Ḥabbábeh, eating a pomegranate, was choked by one of the grains, and immediately died. The grief of Yezeed was so poignant that he would not quit the corpse, but continued to kiss and fondle it until it became putrid. Being then admonished by his attendants that proper respect required its burial, he consented to commit it to the earth: after five days, however, his desire again to behold the object of his love induced him to open the grave, and though the corpse had become hideous, he declared that it was lovely as ever in his eyes.
At the earnest request of Meslemeh, he ordered the grave to be closed again; but he was unable to exist when deprived of the sight of the remains of her who was at the same time his slave and his mistress: he threw himself upon his bed, speechless; and after lingering seventeen nights, expired, and was buried by the side of Ḥabbábeh. "May God," says the narrator, "have mercy on them both!"357
In the same work from which the above is taken, it is related that Hároon Er-Rasheed, visiting Suleymán the son of Aboo-Jaạfar, one of his chief officers, saw with him a female slave, named Ḍa'eefeh, of excessive beauty, and being smitten by her charms, demanded her as a present. His request was granted; but Suleymán from grief at the loss of his mistress, fell sick; and during his illness was heard to exclaim,—
"I appeal unto God against the affliction which He hath sent upon me through the Khaleefeh.The world heareth of his justice; but he is a tyrant in the affair of Ḍa'eefeh.358Love of her is fixed in my heart as ink upon the surface of paper."
Er-Rasheed, being informed of his complaint, restored to him his mistress, and, with her, his peace of mind.—This anecdote is given as a proof of strong love; but perhaps may not be thought much to the purpose. The following, from the same work, is more apt.