D.—ON THE RESCUE PASSAGE.
Project Gutenberg EPUB3 edition
Babur, Emperor of Hindustan and Beveridge, Annette Susannah
I have omitted from my translation an account of Bābur’s rescue from expected death, although it is with the Ḥaidarābād Codex, because closer acquaintance with its details has led both my husband and myself to judge it spurious. We had welcomed it because, being with the true Bābur-nāma text, it accredited the same account found in the Kehr-Ilminsky text, and also because, however inefficiently, it did something towards filling the gap found elsewhere within 908 AH.
It is in the Ḥaidarābād MS. (f. 118b), in Kehr’s MS. (p. 385), in Ilminsky’s imprint (p. 144), in Les Mémoires de Bābour (i, 255) and with the St. P. University Codex, which is a copy of Kehr’s.
On the other hand, it is not with the Elphinstone Codex (f. 89b); that it was not with the archetype of that codex the scribe’s note shews (f. 90); it is with neither of the Wāqi‘āt-i-bāburī (Pers. translations) nor with Leyden and Erskine’s Memoirs (p. 122).2757
Before giving our grounds for rejecting what has been offered to fill the gap of 908 AH. a few words must be said about the lacuna itself. Nothing indicates that Bābur left it and, since both in the Elphinstone Codex and its archetype, the sentence preceding it lacks the terminal verb, it seems due merely to loss of pages. That the loss, if any, was of early date is clear,—the Elph. MS. itself being copied not later than 1567 AD. (JRAS. 1907, p. 137).
Two known circumstances, both of earlier date than that of the Elphinstone Codex, might have led to the loss,—the first is the storm which in 935 AH. scattered Bābur’s papers (f. 376b), the second, the vicissitudes to which Humāyūn’s library was exposed in his exile.2758 Of the two the first seems the more probable cause.
The rupture of a story at a point so critical as that of Bābur’s danger in Karnān would tempt to its completion; so too would wish to make good the composed part of the Bābur-nāma. Humāyūn annotated the archetype of the Elphinstone Codex a good deal but he cannot have written the Rescue passage if only because he was in a position to avoid some of its inaccuracies.
CONTEXT AND TRANSLATION OF THE RESCUE PASSAGE.
To facilitate reference, I quote the last words preceding the gap purported to be filled by the Rescue passage, from several texts;—
(a) Elphinstone MS. f. 89b,—Qūptūm. Bāgh gosha-sī-gha bārdīm. Aūzūm bīla andesha qīldīm. Dīdīm kīm kīshī agar yūz u agar mīng yāshāsā, ākhir hech....
(b) The Ḥai. MS. (f. 118b) varies from the Elphinstone by omitting the word hech and adding aūlmāk kīrāk, he must die.
(c) Pāyanda-ḥasan’s Wāqi‘āt-i-bāburī (I. O. 215, f. 96b),—Barkhwāstam u dar gosha-i bāgh raftam. Ba khūd andesha karda, guftam kah agar kase ṣad sāl yā hazār sāl ‘umr dāshta bāshad, ākhir hech ast. (It will be seen that this text has the hech of the Elph. MS.)
(d) ‘Abdu’r-raḥīm’s Wāqi‘āt-i-bāburī (I. O. 217, f. 79),—Barkhwāstam u ba gosha-i-bāgh raftam. Ba khūd andeshīdam u guftam kah agar kase ṣad sāl u agar hazār sāl ‘umr bayābad ākhir....
(e) Muḥ. Shīrāzī’s lith. ed. (p. 75) finishes the sentence with ākhir khūd bāyad murd, at last one must die,—varying as it frequently does, from both of the Wāqi‘āt.
(f) Kehr’s MS. (p. 383-454), Ilminsky, p. 144,—Qūpūb bāghnīng bīr būrjī-ghā bārīb, khāt̤irīm-ghā kīltūrdīm kīm agar adam yūz yīl u agar mīng yīl tīrīk būlsā, ākhir aūlmāk dīn aūzkā chāra yūq tūr. (I rose. Having gone to a tower of the garden, I brought it to my mind that if a person be alive 100 years or a thousand years, at last he has no help other than to die.)
The Rescue passage is introduced by a Persian couplet, identified by my husband as from Niz̤āmī’s Khusrau u Shīrīn, which is as follows;—
If you stay a hundred years, and if one year,
Forth you must go from this heart-delighting palace.
I steadied myself for death (qarār bīrdīm). In that garden a stream came flowing;2759 I made ablution; I recited the prayer of two inclinations (ra‘kat); having raised my head for silent prayer, I was making earnest petition when my eyes closed in sleep.2760 I am seeing2761 that Khwāja Yaq‘ūb, the son of Khwāja Yaḥyā and grandson of His Highness Khwāja ‘Ubaidu’l-lāh, came facing me, mounted on a piebald horse, with a large company of piebald horsemen (sic).2762 He said: ‘Lay sorrow aside! Khwāja Aḥrār (i.e. ‘Ubaidu’l-lāh) has sent me to you; he said, “We, having asked help for him (i.e. Bābur), will seat him on the royal throne;2763 wherever difficulty befalls him, let him look towards us (lit. bring us to sight) and call us to mind; there will we be present.” Now, in this hour, victory and success are on your side; lift up your head! awake!'
At that time I awoke happy, when Yūsuf and those with him2764 were giving one another advice. ‘We will make a pretext to deceive; to seize and bind2765 is necessary.’ Hearing these words, I said, ‘Your words are of this sort, but I will see which of you will come to my presence to take me.’ I was saying this when outside the garden wall2766 came the noise of approaching horsemen. Yūsuf darogha said, ‘If we had taken you to Taṃbal our affairs would have gone forward. Now he has sent again many persons to seize you.’ He was certain that this noise might be the footfall of the horses of those sent by Taṃbal. On hearing those words anxiety grew upon me; what to do I did not know. At this time those horsemen, not happening to find the garden gate, broke down the wall where it was old (and) came in. I saw (kūrsām, lit. might see) that Qutluq Muḥ. Barlās and Bābā-i Pargharī, my life-devoted servants, having arrived [with], it may be, ten, fifteen, twenty persons, were approaching. Having flung themselves from their horses,2767 bent the knee from afar and showed respect, they fell at my feet. In that state (ḥal) such ecstasy (ḥāl) came over me that you might say (goyā) God gave me life from a new source (bāsh). I said, ‘Seize and bind that Yūsuf darogha and these here (tūrghān) hireling mannikins.’ These same mannikins had taken to flight. They (i.e. the rescuers), having taken them, one by one, here and there, brought them bound. I said, ‘Where do you come from? How did you get news?’ Qutluq Muḥ.
Barlās said: ‘When, having fled from Akhsī, we were separated from you in the flight, we went to Andijān when the Khāns also came to Andijān. I saw a vision that Khwāja ‘Ubaidu’l-lāh said, “Bābur pādshāh2768 is in a village called Karnān; go and bring him, since the royal seat (masnad) has become his possession (ta‘alluq).” I having seen this vision and become happy, represented (the matter) to the Elder Khān (and) the Younger Khān. I said to the Khāns, “I have five or six younger brothers (and) sons; do you add a few soldiers. I will go through the Karnān side and bring news.” The Khāns said, “It occurs to our minds also that (he) may have gone that same road (?).” They appointed ten persons; they said, “Having gone in that direction (sārī) and made very sure, bring news. Would to God you might get true news!” We were saying this when Bābā-i Parghārī said, “I too will go and seek.” He also having agreed with two young men, (his) younger brothers, we rode out. It is three days to-day that we are on the road. Thank God! we have found you.’ They said (dīdīlār, for dīb). They spoke (aītīlār), ‘Make a move! Ride off! Take these bound ones with you! To stay here is not well; Taṃbal has had news of your coming here; go, in whatever way, and join yourself to the Khāns!’ At that time we having ridden out, moved towards Andijān. It was two days that we had eaten no food; the evening prayer had come when we found a sheep, went on, dismounted, killed, and roasted. Of that same roast we ate as much as a feast.
After that we rode on, hurried forward, made a five days’ journey in a day and two nights, came and entered Andijān. I saluted my uncle the Elder Khān (and) my uncle the Younger Khān, and made recital of past days. With the Khāns I spent four months. My servants, who had gone looking in every place, gathered themselves together; there were more than 300 persons. It came to my mind (kīm), ‘How long must I wander, a vagabond (sar-gardān),2769 in this Farghāna country? I will make search (t̤alab) on every side (dīb).’ Having said, I rode out in the month of Muḥarram to seek Khurāsān, and I went out from the country of Farghāna.2770
REASONS AGAINST THE REJECTION OF THE RESCUE PASSAGE.
Two circumstances have weight against rejecting the passage, its presence with the Ḥaidarābād Codex and its acceptance by Dr. Ilminsky and M. de Courteille.
That it is with the Codex is a matter needing consideration and this the more that it is the only extra matter there found. Not being with the Persian translations, it cannot be of early date. It seems likely to owe its place of honour to distinguished authorship and may well be one of the four portions (juzwe) mentioned by Jahāngīr in the Tuzūk-i-jahāngīrī,2771 as added by himself to his ancestor’s book. If so, it may be mentioned, it will have been with Bābur’s autograph MS. [now not to be found], from which the Ḥaidarābād Codex shews signs of being a direct copy.2772
[The incongruity of the Rescue passage with the true text has been indicated by foot-notes to the translation of it already given. What condemns it on historic and other grounds will follow.]
On linguistic grounds it is a strong argument in its favour that Dr. Ilminsky and M. de Courteille should have accepted it but the argument loses weight when some of the circumstances of their work are taken into account.
In the first place, it is not strictly accurate to regard Dr. Ilminsky as accepting it unquestioned, because it is covered by his depreciatory remarks, made in his preface, on Kehr’s text. He, like M. de Courteille, worked with a single Turkī MS. and neither of the two ever saw a complete true text. When their source (the Kehr-Ilminsky) was able to be collated with the Elph. and Ḥai. MSS. much and singular divergence was discovered.
I venture to suggest what appears to me to explain M. de Courteille’s acceptance of the Rescue passage. Down to its insertion, the Kehr-Ilminsky text is so continuously and so curiously corrupt that it seems necessary to regard it as being a re-translation into Turkī from one of the Persian translations of the Bābur-nāma. There being these textual defects in it, it would create on the mind of a reader initiated through it, only, in the book, an incorrect impression of Bābur’s style and vocabulary, and such a reader would feel no transition when passing on from it to the Rescue passage.
In opposition to this explanation, it might be said that a wrong standard set up by the corrupt text, would or could be changed by the excellence of later parts of the Kehr-Ilminsky one. In words, this is sound, no doubt, and such reflex criticism is now easy, but more than the one defective MS. was wanted even to suggest the need of such reflex criticism. The Bābur-nāma is lengthy, ponderous to poise and grasp, and work on it is still tentative, even with the literary gains since the Seventies.
Few of the grounds which weigh with us for the rejection of the Rescue passage were known to Dr. Ilminsky or M. de Courteille;—the two good Codices bring each its own and varied help; Teufel’s critique on the ‘Fragments,’ though made without acquaintance with those adjuncts as they stand in Kehr’s own volume, is of much collateral value; several useful oriental histories seem not to have been available for M. de Courteille’s use. I may add, for my own part, that I have the great advantage of my husband’s companionship and the guidance of his wide acquaintance with related oriental books. In truth, looking at the drawbacks now removed, an earlier acceptance of the passage appears as natural as does today’s rejection.
GROUNDS FOR REJECTING THE RESCUE PASSAGE.
The grounds for rejecting the passage need here little more than recapitulation from my husband’s article in the JASB. 1910, p. 221, and are as follows;—
i. The passage is in neither of the Wāqi‘āt-i-bāburī.
ii. The dreams detailed are too à propos and marvellous for credence.
iii. Khwāja Yaḥyā is not known to have had a son, named Ya‘qūb.
iv. The Bābur-nāma does not contain the names assigned to the rescuers.
v. The Khāns were not in Andijān and Bābur did not go there.
vi. He did not set out for Khurāsān after spending 4 months with The Khāns but after Aḥmad’s death (end of 909 AH.), while Maḥmud was still in Eastern Turkistān and after about a year’s stay in Sūkh.
vii. The followers who gathered to him were not ‘more than 300’ but between 2 and 300.
viii. The ‘3 days,’ and the ‘day and two nights,’ and the ‘5 days’ journey was one of some 70 miles, and one recorded as made in far less time.