Before CHAPTER XXXVIII RESTRICTIONS IN DIET (concluded)
Project Gutenberg EPUB3 edition
Westermarck, Edward
However, an unclean individual may be supposed to pollute a piece of food not only by touching it with his hand, but in some cases by eating it; and, in accordance with the principle of pars pro toto, the pollution may then spread to all victuals belonging to the same species. Ideas of this kind are sometimes conspicuous in connection with the restrictions in diet after a death. Thus the Siciatl of British Columbia believe that a dead body, or anything connected with the dead, is inimical to the salmon, and therefore the relatives of a deceased person must abstain from eating salmon in the early stages of the run, as also from entering a creek where salmon are found.118 Among the Stlatlumh, a neighbouring people, not even elderly widowers, for whom the period of abstention is comparatively short, are allowed to eat fresh salmon till the first of the run is over and the fish have arrived in such numbers that there is no danger of their being driven away.119 It is not unlikely that if the motives for the restrictions in diet after a death were sufficiently known in each case, a similar fear lest the unclean mourner should pollute the whole species by polluting some individual member of it would be found to be a common cause of those rules which prohibit the eating of staple or favourite food.120 But it would seem that such rules also may spring from the idea that this kind of food is particularly sought for by the dead and therefore defiled.
Moreover, unclean individuals are not only a danger to others, but are themselves in danger. As Sir J. G. Frazer has shown, they are supposed to be in a delicate condition, which imposes upon them various precautions;121 and one of these may be restrictions in their diet. Among the Thlinkets and some peoples in British Columbia the relatives of the deceased not only fast till the body is buried, but have their faces blackened, cover their heads with ragged mats, and must speak but little, confining themselves to answering questions, as it is believed that they would else become chatterboxes.122 According to early ideas, mourners are in a state very similar to that of girls at puberty, who also, among various peoples, are obliged to fast or abstain from certain kinds of food on account of their uncleanness.123 Among the Stlatlumh, for instance, when a girl reaches puberty, she fasts for the first four days and abstains from fresh meats of any kind throughout the whole period of her seclusion. “There was a two-fold object in this abstention. First, the girl, it was thought, would be harmed by the fresh meat in her peculiar condition; and second, the game animals would take offence if she partook of their meat in these circumstances,” and would not permit her father to kill them.124
It should finally be noticed that, though the custom of fasting after a death in the main has a superstitious origin, there may at the same time be a physiological motive for it.125 Even the rudest savage feels afflicted at the death of a friend, and grief is accompanied by a loss of appetite. This natural disinclination to partake of food may, combined with superstitious fear, have given rise to prohibitory rules, nay, may even in the first instance have suggested the idea that there is danger in taking food. The mourning observances so commonly coincide with the natural expressions of sorrow, that we are almost bound to assume the existence of some connection between them, even though in their developed forms the superstitious motive be the most prominent.
An important survival of the mourning fast is the Lent fast. It originally lasted for forty hours only, that is, the time when Christ lay in the grave.126 Irenaeus speaks of the fast of forty hours before Easter,127 and Tertullian, when a Montanist disputing against the Catholics, says that the only legitimate days for Christian fasting were those in which the Bridegroom was taken away.128 Subsequently, however, the forty hours were extended to forty days, in imitation of the forty days’ fasts of Moses, Elijah, and Christ.129
Not only on a death, but on certain other occasions, food is supposed to pollute or injure him who partakes of it, and is therefore to be avoided. In Pfalz the people maintain that no food should be taken at an eclipse of the sun;130 and all over Germany there is a popular belief that anybody who eats during a thunderstorm will be struck by the lightning.131 When the Todas know that there is going to be an eclipse of the sun or the moon, they abstain from food.132 Among the Hindus, while an eclipse is going on, “drinking water, eating food, and all household business, as well as the worship of the gods, are all prohibited”; high-caste Hindus do not even eat food which has remained in the house during an eclipse, but give it away, and all earthen vessels in use in their houses at the time must be broken.133 Among the rules laid down for Snâtakas, that is, Brâhmanas who have completed their studentship, there is one which forbids them to eat, travel, and sleep during the twilight;134 and in one of the Zoroastrian Pahlavi texts it is said that “in the dark it is not allowable to eat food, for the demons and fiends seize upon one-third of the wisdom and glory of him who eats food in the dark.”135 Many Hindus who revere the sun do not break their fast in the morning till they catch a clear view of it, and do not eat at all on days when it is obscured by clouds136—a custom to which there is a parallel among some North American sun-worshippers, the Snanaimuq Indians belonging to the Coast Salish, who must not partake of any food until the sun is well up in the sky.137 Brahmins
fast at the equinoxes, solstices, conjunctions of planets, and on the days of the new and full moon.138 The Buddhist Sabbath, or Uposatha, which, as we have noticed above, occurs on the day of full moon, on the day when there is no moon, and on the two days which are eighth from the full and new moon, is not only a day of rest, but has also from ancient times been a fast-day. He who keeps the Sabbath rigorously abstains from all food between sunrise and sunset, and, as no cooking must be done during the Uposatha, he prepares his evening meal in the early morning before the rise of the sun.139
Among the Jews there are many who abstain from food on the day of an eclipse of the moon, which they regard as an evil omen.140 We have also reason to believe that the Jews were once in the habit of observing the new moons and Sabbaths not only as days of rest, but as fast-days; and the Hebrew Sabbath, as we have seen, in all probability owes its origin to superstitious fear of the changes in the moon.141 Or how shall we explain the curious rule which forbids fasting on a new moon and on the seventh day,142 if not as a protest against a fast once in vogue among the Jews on these occasions, but afterwards regarded as an illegitimate rite?143 This theory is not new, for Hooker in his ‘Ecclesiastical Polity’ observes that “it may be a question, whether in some sort they did not always fast on the Sabbath.” He refers to a statement of Josephus, according to which the sixth hour “was wont on the Sabbath always to call them home unto meat,” and to certain pagan writers who upbraided them with fasting on that day.144 In Nehemiah there is an indication that it was a custom to fast on the first day of the seventh month,145 which is “holy unto the Lord”;146 and on the tenth day of the same month there was the great fast of atonement, combined with abstinence from every kind of work.147 I venture to think that all these fasts may be ultimately traced to a belief that the changes in the moon not only are unfavourable for work, but also make it dangerous to partake of food. The fact of the seventh day being a day of rest established the number seven as a sabbatical number.
In the seventh month there are several days, besides Saturdays, which are to be observed as days of rest,148 and in the seventh year there shall be “a sabbath of rest unto the land.”149 In these Sabbatarian regulations the day of atonement plays a particularly prominent part. The severest punishment is prescribed for him who does not rest and fast on that day “from even unto even”;150 and it is on the same day that, after the lapse of seven times seven years, the trumpet of the jubilee shall be caused to sound throughout the land.151 Most of the rules concerning the day of atonement are undoubtedly post-exilic. But the fact that no other regular days of fasting but those mentioned by Zechariah are referred to by the prophets or in earlier books, hardly justifies the conclusion drawn by many scholars that no such fast existed. It is extremely probable that the fast of the tenth day of the seventh month as a fast of atonement is of a comparatively modern date; but it is perhaps not too bold to suggest that the idea of atonement is a later interpretation of a previously existing fast, which was originally observed for fear of the dangerous quality attributed to the number seven. Why this fast was enjoined on the tenth day of the seventh month remains obscure; but it seems that the order of the month was considered more important than that of the day. Nehemiah speaks of a fast which was kept on the twenty-fourth day of the seventh month.152
Source notes
111 Bodenschatz, Kirchliche Verfassung der heutigen Juden, iv. 177.
112 Buxtorf, Synagoga Judaica, p. 707.
113 Certeux and Carnoy, L’Algérie traditionelle, p. 220.
114 Gray, China, i. 287 sq.
115Supra, ii. 283 sq.
116 Teit, loc. cit. p. 331 (Upper Thompson Indians). Tout, in Jour. Anthr. Inst. xxxv. 139 (Stlatlumh of British Columbia). Oldenberg, Die Religion des Veda, pp. 578, 590; Caland, Die Altindischen Todten- und Bestattungsgebräuche, p. 81. de Groot, op. cit. (vol. ii. book) i. 609 (Chinese). Wilken, in Revue internationale coloniale, iv. 352, n. 41.
117 Turner, Samoa, p. 145; Idem, Nineteen Years in Polynesia, p. 228 (Samoans). Ellis, Polynesian Researches, i. 403 (Tahitians). Frazer, Golden Bough, i. 323 (Maoris). Williams and Calvert, Fiji, p. 169. Among the Upper Thompson Indians the persons who handled the dead body would not touch the food with their hands, but must put it into their mouths with sharp-pointed sticks (Teit, loc. cit. p. 331).
118 Tout, ‘Ethnology of the Siciatl of British Columbia,’ in Jour. Anthr. Inst. xxxiv. 33.
119 Tout, in Jour. Anthr. Inst. xxxv. 139.
120 In the Arunta tribe, Central Australia, no menstruous woman is allowed to gather the Irriakura bulbs, which form a staple article of diet for both men and women, the idea being that any infringement of the restriction would result in the failure of the supply of the bulb (Spencer and Gillen, Northern Tribes of Central Australia, p. 615).
121 Frazer, Golden Bough, i. 343, &c.
122 Boas, loc. cit. p. 41.
123 Boas, loc. cit. p. 40 sqq. (various tribes in British Columbia). Tout, in Jour. Anthr. Inst. xxxiv. 33 (Siciatl). Sproat, Scenes and Studies of Savage Life, p. 93 sq. (Ahts). Bourke, ‘Medicine-Men of the Apache,’ in Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn. ix. 501. Du Tertre, Histoire générale des Antilles, ii. 371. Schomburgk, ‘Natives of Guiana,’ in Jour. Ethn. Soc. London, i. 269 sq. von Martius, Beiträge zur Ethnographie Amerika’s, i. 644 (Macusis). Seligmann, in Reports of the Cambridge Expedition to Torres Straits, v. 200 sqq. (Western Islanders). Man, ‘Aboriginal Inhabitants of the Andaman Islands,’ in Jour. Anthr. Inst. xii. 94. See Frazer, op. cit. iii. 205 sqq.
124 Tout, in Jour. Anthr. Inst. xxxv. 136.
125Cf. Mallery, ‘Manners and Meals,’ in American Anthropologist, i. 202; Brinton, Religions of Primitive Peoples, p. 213; Schurtz, Urgeschichte der Kultur, p. 587.
126Cf.St. Matthew, ix. 15; St. Mark, ii. 20; St. Luke, v. 35.
127 Irenaeus, quoted by Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica, v. 24 (Migne, Patrologiæ cursus, Ser. Graeca, xx. 501). Cf. Funk, ‘Die Entwicklung des Osterfastens,’ in Theologische Quartalschrift, lxxv. 181 sqq.; Duchesne, Christian Worship, p. 241.
128 Tertullian, De jejuniis, 2 (Migne, op. cit. ii. 956).
129 St. Jerome, Commentarii in Jonam, 3 (Migne, op. cit. xxv. 1140). St. Augustine, Epistola LV (alias CXIX), ‘Ad inquisitiones Januarii,’ 15 (Migne, xxxiii. 217 sq.). Funk, loc. cit. p. 209.
130 Schönwerth, Aus der Oberpfalz, iii. 55.
131 Haberland, in Zeitschr. f. Völkerpsychologie, xviii. 258.
132 Rivers, op. cit. p. 592 sq.
133 Crooke, Popular Religion of Northern India, i. 21 sq.
134Laws of Manu, iv. 55.
135Shâyast Lâ-Shâyast, ix. 8.
136 Wilson, Works, i. 266. Hunter, Annals of Rural Bengal, ii. 285. Crooke, Things Indian, p. 214.
137 Boas, loc. cit. p. 51.
138 Dubois, Description of the People of India, p. 160. See also supra, ii. 297.
139 Childers, Dictionary of the Pali Language, p. 535. Kern, Der Buddhismus, ii. 258.
140 Buxtorf, op. cit. p. 477.
141Supra, ii. 286 sq.
142Judith, viii. 6. Schulchan Aruch, i. 91, 117.