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A History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages; volume III

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Project Gutenberg EPUB3 edition Lea, Henry Charles

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[1] Th. Aquin. Summ. Sec. Sec. Q. clxxxviii. art. 7. ad 1.
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[2] Even the great Franciscan preacher, Berthold of Ratisbon (who died in 1272) will concede only qualified merit to those who labor to save the souls of their fellow-creatures, and such labors can easily be carried to excess. The duty which a man owes to his own soul, in prayer and devotion, is of much greater moment.—Beati Fr. Bertholdi a Ratisbona Sermones (Monachii, 1882, p 29). See also his comparison of the contemplative with the active life. The former is Rachael, the latter is Leah, and is most perilous when wholly devoted to good works (Ib. pp. 44-5).
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So the great Spiritual Franciscan, Pierre Jean Olivi—“Est igitur totius rationis summa, quod contemplatio est ex suo genere perfectior omni alia actione,” though he admits that a lesser portion of time may allowably be devoted to the salvation of fellow-creatures.—Franz Ehrle, Archiv für Litteratur-und Kirchengeschichte, 1887, p. 503.
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[3] Thom. de Eccleston de Adventu Minorum Coll. v.—S. Francis. Testament. (Opp. 1849, p. 48).—Nicolai. PP. III. Bull. Exiit qui seminat (Lib. v. Sexto xii. 3).—Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolos. pp. 301, 303.
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[4] Chron. Turonens. ann. 1326 (D. Bouquet, XVIII. 319).—Alberic. Trium Font. Chron. ann. 1228.
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[5] Frat. Jordani Chron. c. 9, 14, 17, 31, 50 (Analecta Franciscana, Quaracchi, 1885, I. 4-6, 11, 16).—S. Francis. Testament. (Opp. p. 47); Ejusd. Epistt. vi., vii., viii., (Ib. 10-11).—Amoni Legenda S. Francisci, p. 106 (Roma, 1880).—Wadding. ann. 1229, No. 2.—Chron. Glassberger ann. 1227 (Analect. Franciscana II. p. 45).
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[6] Thomæ de Eccleston Collat. XII.—Jordani Chron. c. 61 (Analecta Franc. I. 19).—Chron. Anon. (Ib. I. 289).
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[7] Gregor. PP. IX. Bull.Quo elongati (Pet. Rodulphii Hist. Seraph. Relig. Lib. II. fol. 164-5).—Rodulphii op. cit. Lib. II. fol. 177.—Chron. Glassberger, ann. 1230, 1231 (Analecta II. 50, 56).—Frat. Jordani Chron. c. 18, 19, 61 (Analecta I. 7, 8, 19).—Franz Ehrle (Archiv für Litt.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 123).—Wadding, ann. 1239, No. 5.
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The ingenious casuistry with which the Conventuals satisfied themselves that the device of Gregory IX. enabled them to grow rich without transgressing the Rule is seen in their defence before Clement VI., in 1311, as printed by Franz Ehrle (Archiv für Litt.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1887, pp. 107-8).
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[8] Jordani Chron. c. 62, 63 (Analecta I. 18-19).—Thomæ de Eccleston Collat. XII.—Chron. Glassberger, ann. 1239 (Analecta II. 60-1).—Huillard-Bréholles, Introd. p. DIII.; Ib. VI. 69-70.
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Elias still managed to excite disturbance in the Order; he died excommunicate, and a zealous Franciscan guardian had his remains dug up and cast upon a dunghill. Frà Salimbene gives full details of his evil ways, and the tyrannous maladministration which precipitated his downfall. After his secession to Frederic II. a popular rhyme was current throughout Italy—
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“Hor attorna fratt Helya, Ke pres’ ha la mala via.”
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Salimbene Chronica, Parma, 1857, pp. 401-13.
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Affò, however, asserts that he was absolved on his death-bed.—Vita del Beato Gioanni di Parma, Parma, 1777, p. 31. Cf. Chron. Glassberger ann. 1243-4.
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[9] Thomæ de Ecclest. Collat. VIII., XII.—Wadding, ann. 1242, No. 2; ann. 1245, No. 16.—Potthast No. 10825.—Angeli Clarinens. Epist. Excusator (Franz Ehrle, Archiv für Litt-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1885, p. 535; 1886, pp. 113, 117, 120).—Hist. Tribulation. (Ib. 1886, pp. 256 sqq.).
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The Historia Tribulationum reflects the contempt of the Spirituals for human learning. Adam was led to disobedience by a thirst for knowledge, and returned to grace by faith and not by dialectics, or geometry or astrology. The evil industry of the arts of Aristotle, and the seductive sweetness of Plato’s eloquence are Egyptian plagues in the Church (Ib. 264-5). It was an early tradition of the Order that Francis had predicted its ruin through overmuch learning (Amoni Legenda S. Francisci, App. cap. xi.).
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Karl Müller (Die Anfänge des Minoritenordens, Freiburg, 1885, p. 180) asserts that the election of Crescenzio was a triumph of the Puritans, and that he was known for his flaming zeal for the rigid observance of the Rule. So far from this being the case, on the very night of his election he scolded the zealots (Th. Eccleston Collat. XII.), and the history of his generalate confirms the view taken of him by the Hist. Tribulationum. Affò (Vita di Gioanni di Parma, pp. 31-2) assumes that he endeavored to follow a middle course, and ended by persecuting the irreconcilables.
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[10] Hist. Tribulat. (loc. cit. 1886, pp. 267-8, 274).—Affò, pp. 38-9, 54, 97-8.—Wadding, ann. 1256, No. 2.
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[11] Tocco, L’Eresia nel Medio Evo, Firenze, 1884, pp. 265-70.—Profetie dell’ Abate Gioachino, Venezia, 1646, p. 8.
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[12] Tocco. op. cit. pp. 271-81.—Cœlestin. PP. III. Epist. 279.
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[13] Lib. Concordiæ Præf. (Venet. 1519).—Fr. Francisci Pipini Chron. (Muratori S.R.I. IX. 498-500).—Rog. Hovedens. ann. 1190.—MSS. Bib. Nat., fonds latin, No. 4270, fol. 260-2.—Comba, La Riforma in Italia, I. 388.—Lechler’s Wickliffe, Lorimer’s Translation, II. 321.—Lib. Conformitat. Lib. I. Fruct. i. P. 2; Fruct. ix. P. 2 (fol. 12, 91).—Telesphori de magnis Tribulationibus Prœem.—Henric. de Hassia contra Vaticin. Telesphori c. xi. (Pez Thesaur. I. II. 521).—Franz Ehrle (Archiv für Lit.-u. Kirchengeschichte, 1886, p. 331).—P. d’Ailly Concord. Astron. Veritat. c. lix. (August. Vindel. 1490).—H. Cornel. Agripp. de Occult. Philosoph. Lib. II. c. ii.
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The Vaticinia Pontificum of the pseudo-Joachim long remained a popular oracle. I have met with editions of Venice issued in 1589, 1600, 1605, and 1646, of Ferrara in 1591, of Frankfort in 1608, of Padua in 1625, and of Naples in 1660, and there are doubtless numerous others.
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Dante represents Bonaventura as pointing out the saints—
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“Raban è quivi, e lucemi dallato Il Calavrese abate Giovacchino Di spirito profetico dotato.”—(Paradise xii.).
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[14] Pseudo-Joachim de Oneribus Ecclesiæ c. iii., xv., xvi., xvii., xx., xxi., xxii., xxiii., xxx.—Ejusd. super Hieremiam c. i., ii., iii., etc.—Salimbene p. 107.—Monumenta Franciscana p. 147 (M.R. Series).
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The author of the Commentary on Jeremiah had probably been disciplined for freedom of speech in the pulpit, for (cap. i.) he denounces as bestial a license to preach which restricts the liberty of the spirit, and only permits the preacher to dispute on carnal vices.
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[15] Concil. Lateran. IV. c. 2.—Theiner Monument Slavor. Meridional. I. 63.—Lib. I. Sexto, 1, 2 (Cap. Damnamus).—Wadding, ann. 1256, No. 8, 9.—Salimbene Chron. p. 103.
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Nearly half a century later Thomas Aquinas still considered Joachim’s speculations on the Trinity worthy of elaborate refutation, and near the close of the fourteenth century Eymerich reproduces the whole controversy.—Direct. Inquisit. pp. 4-6, 15-17.
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[16] Joachimi Concordiæ Lib. IV. c. 31, 34, 38; Lib. V. c. 58, 63, 65, 67, 68, 74, 78, 89, 118.
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Joachim was held to have predicted the rise of the Mendicants (v. 43), but his anticipations looked wholly to contemplative monachism.
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[17] Joachimi Concordiæ Lib. I. Tract. ii. c. 6; IV. 25, 26, 33; V. 2, 21, 60, 65, 66, 84.
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The Commission of Anagni in 1255 by a strained interpretation of a passage in the Concordia (II. i. 7) accused Joachim of having justified the schism of the Greeks (Denifle, Archiv f. Litt.-u. K. 1885, p. 120). So far was he from this that he never loses an occasion of decrying the Oriental Church, especially for the marriage of its priests (e.g., V. 70, 72). Yet when he asserted that Antichrist was already born in Rome, and it was objected to him that Babylon was assigned as the birthplace, he had no hesitation in saying that Rome was the mystical Babylon.—Rad. de Coggeshall Chron. (Bouquet, XVIII. 76).
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[18] Rigord. de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1210.—Guillel. Nangiac. ann. 1210.—Cæsar. Heisterb. dist. v. c. xxii.
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[19] Salimbene Chron. pp. 97-109, 124, 318-20.—Chron. Glassberger ann. 1286.—Vie de Douceline (Meyer, Recueil d’anciens Textes, pp. 142-46).
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Salimbene, in enumerating the special intimates of John of Parma, characterizes several of them as “great Joachites.”
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[20] Protocoll. Commiss. Anagniæ (Denifle, Archiv für Litteratur-und Kirchengeschichte, 1885, pp. 111-12).
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[21] Hist. Tribulat. (ubi sup. pp. 178-9).—Salimbene, pp. 102, 233.
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According to the exegesis of the Joachites, Frederic II. was to attain the age of seventy. When he died, in 1250, Salimbene refused to believe it, and remained incredulous until Innocent IV., in his triumphal progress from Lyons, came to Ferrara, nearly ten months afterwards, and exchanged congratulations upon it. Salimbene was present, and Frà Gherardino of Parma turned to him and said, “You know it now; leave your Joachim and apply yourself to wisdom” (Ib. pp. 107, 227).
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[22] Renan, Nouvelles Études, p. 296.
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Joachim had already used the term Everlasting Gospel to designate the spiritual interpretation of the Evangelists, which was henceforth to rule the world. His disciple naturally considered Joachim’s commentaries to be this spiritual interpretation, and that they constituted the Everlasting Gospel to which he furnished a Gloss and Introduction. The Franciscans were necessarily the contemplative Order intrusted with its dissemination. (See Denifle, Archiv für Litteratur-etc., 1885, pp. 54-59, 61.) According to Denifle (pp. 67-70) the publication of Gherardo consisted only of the Introduction and the Concordia. The Apocalypse and the Decachordon were to follow, but the venturesome enterprise was cut short.

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A History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages; volume III, Project Gutenberg eBook #39580

CHAPTER IX. CONCLUSION. (continued 8) FOOTNOTES: (continued 1)

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