THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE MORAL IDEAS (continued 1)
Project Gutenberg EPUB3 edition
Westermarck, Edward
Nobody would suppose that this attitude towards slavery was due to religious zeal. It was one of those cases, only too frequent in the history of morals, in which religion is called in to lend its sanction to a social institution agreeable to the leaders of religious opinion. Many clergymen and missionaries were themselves slave-holders,298 the chapel funds largely rested on slave property,299 and the ministers naturally desired to be on friendly terms with the more important members of their respective congregations, who were commonly owners of slaves. Adam Smith observes that the resolution of the Quakers in Pennsylvania to set at liberty all their slaves, was due to the fact that the principal produce there was corn, the raising of which cannot afford the expense of slave cultivation; had the slaves “made any considerable part of their property, such a resolution could never have been agreed to.”300
To explain the establishment of colonial slavery, the difficulties in the way of its abolition, and the laws relating to it, it is necessary to consider not only economic conditions and the motive of self-interest, but, as a factor of equal importance, the want of sympathy for, or positive antipathy to, the coloured race. The negro was looked upon almost as an animal, according to some he was a being without a soul.301 Even when free he was a pariah, subject to special laws and regulations. In the Code of Louisiana it is said:—“Free people of colour ought never to insult or strike white people, nor presume to conceive themselves equal to the whites; but, on the contrary, they ought to yield to them on every occasion, and never speak or answer them but with respect, under the penalty of imprisonment, according to the nature of the offence.”302 The Code Noir prohibited white men and women from marrying negroes, “à peine de punition et d’amende arbitraire”;303 and in the Revised Statutes of North Carolina we read:—“If any white man or woman, being free, shall intermarry with an Indian, negro, mustee or mulatto man or woman, or any person of mixed blood to the third generation, bond or free, he shall, by judgment of the county court, forfeit and pay the sum of one hundred dollars to the use of the county.”304 In Mississippi a free negro or mulatto was legally punished with thirty-nine lashes if he exercised the functions of a minister of the Gospel.305 Coloured men in the North were excluded from colleges and high schools, from theological seminaries and from respectable
churches, as also from the town hall, the ballot, and the cemetery where white people were interred.306 The Anglo-Saxon aversion to the black race is thus expressed by an English writer:—“We hate slavery, but we hate the negroes still more.”307 Among the Spaniards and Portuguese racial antipathies were not so strong, and their slaves were consequently better treated.308
Thus we notice in the opinions regarding slavery throughout the same distinction as in the judgments on other matters of moral concern. A person is, as a rule, allowed to enslave or to keep as slaves only persons belonging to a different community or a different race from his own, or their descendants. To deprive anybody of his liberty is to inflict an injury on him, and is regarded as wrong whenever the act gives rise to sympathetic resentment, whereas nothing is thought of it where no sympathy is felt for its victim. Thus, whilst slavery grows up only under economic conditions favourable to slave labour, it is always limited by feelings of an altruistic character, and where these feelings are sufficiently broad and powerful it is not tolerated at all. The same factor also influences the condition of the slaves where slavery exists. We have seen that native slaves are better treated than foreign ones and slaves born in the household better than those who have been captured or purchased. The advancement of a nation, again, is frequently attended with greater severity in the treatment of the slaves, because, whilst the simplicity of early ages admits of little distinction between the master and his servants in their employments and manner of living, the introduction of wealth and luxury gradually destroys the equality. Besides, the number of slaves maintained in a wealthy nation makes them formidable both to their owners and to the State, hence it is necessary that they should be strictly watched and kept in the utmost subjection.309
The condition of slaves is in various respects influenced by the selfish considerations of their masters. Stuart Mill observes:—“When, as among the ancients, the slave-market could only be supplied by captives either taken in war, or kidnapped from thinly scattered tribes on the remote confines of the human world, it was generally more profitable to keep up the number by breeding, which necessitates a far better treatment of them, and for this reason, joined with several others, the condition of slaves … was probably much less bad in the ancient world, than in the colonies of modern nations.”310 Among the Bedouins, says Burckhardt, “the slaves are treated with kindness, and seldom beaten, as severity might induce them to run away.”311 Superstition may also help to improve the lot of the slave. In West Africa “the authority which a master exercises over a slave is very much modified by his constitutional dread of witchcraft. If he treats his slave unkindly, or inflicts unmerited punishment upon him, he exposes himself to all the machinations of witchcraft which that slave may be able to command.”312 It is said in the Proverbs, “Accuse not a servant unto his master, lest he curse thee, and thou be found guilty.”313 The same danger threatens the cruel master. We read in the Apostolic Constitutions, “Thy man-servant or thy maid-servant who trust in the same God, thou shalt not command with bitterness of spirit; lest they groan against thee, and wrath be upon thee from God.”314
END OF VOL. I
Source notes
288 Thornton, quoted by Goodell, Slavery and Anti-Slavery, p. 147. Fisk, quoted ibid. p. 147.
289 Bledsoe, op. cit. p. 138.
290 Smylie, quoted by Gerrit Smith, op. cit. p. 3.
291 Quoted by Goodell, Slavery and Anti-Slavery, p. 347.
292 Barnes, op. cit. p. 16.
293Ibid. p. 18. Newman, Anglo-Saxon Abolition of Negro Slavery, p. 56. Bledsoe, op. cit. p. 223.
294 Newman, op. cit. p. 53. von Holst, op. cit. ii. 118, n. 1.
295 Gurney, Views and Practices of the Society of Friends, p. 390. ‘Anti-Slavery Declaration of 1833,’ quoted by Goodell, Slavery and Anti-Slavery, p. 398. Birney, Second Letter, p. 1.
296 Parker, op. cit. v. 56.
297 von Holst, op. cit. ii. 230.
298 Barnes, op. cit. p. 13. Goodell, Slavery and Anti-Slavery, pp. 151, 186 sq.
299 Newman, op. cit. p. 53.
300 Adam Smith, Wealth of Nations, p. 172.
301 von Holst, op. cit. i. 279. Malloch, ‘How the Church dealt with Slavery,’ in The Month, xxvii. 454.
302 Quoted by Stroud, op. cit. p. 157.
303Code Noir, Édit donné au mois de Mars 1724, art. 6, p. 286.
304Revised Statutes of North Carolina, lxxi. 5, vol. i. 386 sq.
305 Alden and van Hoesen, op. cit. p. 771.
306 Parker, op. cit. v. 58. Goodell Slavery and Anti-Slavery, p. 200.
307 Seward, quoted by Newman, Abolition of Negro Slavery, p. 54.
308 Couty, L’esclavage au Brésil, p. 8 sqq.
309 Millar, op. cit. p. 256 sqq.
310 Mill, Principles of Political Economy, i. 307. Cf. supra, p. 701.
311 Burckhardt, Bedouins and Wahábys, p. 103.
312 Wilson, Western Africa, p. 271. See also ibid. p. 179; Cruickshank, Eighteen Years on the Gold Coast, ii. 180 sqq.; Du Chaillu, Explorations and Adventures in Equatorial Africa, p. 331; Landtman, Origin of Priesthood, p. 198, n. 2.
313Proverbs, xxx. 10.
314Constitutiones Apostolicæ, vii. 13.
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