GODS AS GUARDIANS OF MORALITY (continued)
Project Gutenberg EPUB3 edition
Westermarck, Edward
Buddha did not base his system on any belief in gods, hence there is no place in it for a ritual nor for sin in the sense of offending a supernatural being. He that is pure in heart is the true priest, not he that knows the Vedas; the Vedas are nothing, the priests are of no account, save as they be morally of repute.116 If the genuine Buddhist can be said to worship any higher power, it is the moral order which never fails to assert itself in the law of cause and effect. But Buddha’s followers were less metaphysical, and “the clouds returned after the rain.” The old gods of Brahmanism came back, Buddha himself was deified as an omniscient and everlasting god, and Buddhism incorporated most of the local deities and demons of those nations it sought to convert.117 From being originally a metaphysical and ethical doctrine, it was thus transformed into a religion full of ritualism, and, it should be added, profusely mixed with magic. In Lamaism, especially, ritual is elevated to the front rank of importance; we find there pompous services closely resembling those of the Church of Rome, litanies and chants, offerings and sacrifice.118 And the muttering of certain mystic formulas and short prayers is alleged to be far more efficacious than mere moral virtue as a means of gaining the glorious heaven of eternal bliss, the paradise of the fabulous Buddha of boundless light.119 So also in China the teachers of Buddhism “were by no means rigorous in enforcing the obligations of men to morality. To expiate sins, offerings to the idols and to the priests were sufficient.
A temple built in honour of Fŏ, and richly endowed, would suffice to blot out every stain of guilt, and serve as a portal to the blessed mansions of Buddha.”120
In the national religion of China the heaven god, Shang-te, is the supreme being, the creator and sovereign ruler of the universe, whose power knows no bounds, and whose sight equally comprehends the past, the present, and the future, penetrating even to the remotest recesses of the heart.121 He is the author and upholder not only of the physical but of the moral order of the world, watching over the conduct of men, rewarding the good, and punishing the wicked.122 Sometimes he appears to array himself in terrors, as in the case of public calamities and the irregularity of the seasons; but these are only salutary warnings intended to call men to repentance.123 The cult which is offered Shang-te is frigid and ceremonial. The rules of ceremony have their origin in heaven, and the movement of them reaches to earth; their abandonment leads to “the ruin of states, the destruction of families, and the perishing of individuals.”124 The Chinese are inclined to place ritualism on an equality with social morality. Confucius himself humbly submitted to the rules of ceremony, although he denounced hypocrisy. But to him morality was infinitely more important than religion. He altogether avoided the personal term God, and made only use of the abstract term Heaven.
He admitted that spiritual beings exist, and even sacrificed to them,125 but when questioned about matters relating to religion he was systematically silent.126 Religious duties occupy a very insignificant place in his system. “To give one’s self earnestly to the duties due to men, and, while respecting spiritual beings, to keep aloof from them, may be called wisdom.”127 Prayer is unnecessary because Heaven does not actively interfere with the soul of man; it has endowed him at his birth with goodness, which, if he will, may become his nature, and the reward or punishment is only the natural or providential result of his conduct.128 Of punishments in a future life Confucius says nothing, though he maintains that there are rewards and dignity for the good after death.129 The belief of the Chinese in post mortem punishments comes from Buddhism.130
Source notes
101Satapatha Brâhmana, ii. 2. 2. 6.
102 Weber, ‘Eine Legende des Çatapatha-Brâhmaṇa über die strafende Vergeltung nach dem Tode,’ in Zeitschr. d. Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellsch. ix. 238 sq. See also Macdonell, op. cit. p. 168; Hopkins, op. cit. pp. 190, 193; Vishńu Puráńa, p. 44.
103Aitareya Brahmanam, ii. 17.
104Bhagavad Gîtâ, ch. 8. Barth, op. cit. p. 228.
105 Barth, op. cit. p. 228.
106Prem Ságar, p. 56. Cf. Wilson, in Vishńu Puráńa, p. 210, n. 13; Idem, ‘Religious Sects of the Hindus,’ in Asiatic Researches, xvi. 115.
107 Wilkins, Modern Hinduism, p. 439 sq.
108Supra, i. 342.
109Supra, i. 689.
110Supra, i. 612.
111Supra, i. 550 sq.
112Supra, i. 578 sq.
113Supra, ii. 91.
114 Barth, op. cit. p. 49. See, e.g., Âpastamba, i. 7. 20. 1 sqq.; i. 8. 23. 6.
115 Barth, op. cit. pp. 77, 78, 115 sq. Müller, Anthropological Religion, p. 301. Dhammapada, i. 1 sq. Rhys Davids, Hibbert Lectures on the History of Buddhism, p. 85. Oldenberg, Buddha, p. 289. Hopkins, op. cit. p. 319 sq.
116 Hopkins, op. cit. p. 319.
117 Waddell, Buddhism in Tibet, pp. 126, 325 sq. Griffis, Religions of Japan, pp. 187, 207. Davis, China, ii. 51.
118 Waddell, op. cit. 421, 476.
119Ibid. pp. 142, 148, 573.
120 Gutzlaff, quoted by Davis, op. cit. ii. 51. Cf. Edkins, Religion in China, p. 150.