A History of the Inquisition of Spain; vol. 1

[114] Ejusd. Epistt. I, 10, 35; II, 32; V, 8; VIII, 27; IX, 6; XIII, 12. It is true that Gregory strongly upheld the rule that Jews should hold no Christian slaves, but he permitted Christians to labor on their lands (Ibid, IV, 21).

[115] Ibid, I, 47.—Venantii Fortunati Miscell. Lib. V, cap. 5.

[116] Cassiodor. Variar. II, 27; X, 26.

[117] Lex Roman. Visigoth. Lib. XVI, Tit. iii, iv; Novell. Theodos. II, Tit. iii (Ed. Haenel, pp. 250, 256-8).

[118] Concil. Toletan. III, ann. 589, cap. xiv.—Concil. Narbonn. ann. 589, cap. iv, ix.

[119] Gotth. Heine, Biblioth. Vet. Monumentt. Ecclesiasticor. p. 118 (Lipsiæ, 1848).

[120] S. Isidori Hispalens. de Fide Cathol. contra Judæos Lib. I, cap. 28; Lib. II, cap. 5, 9.

[121] S. Isidori Chron. n. 120; De Regibus Gothorum, n. 60; Sententt. Lib. III, cap. 51, n. 4.

In the perfected doctrine of the Church it was simply a question of policy and possibility whether the faith is to be extended by force or not, for the pope is supreme and has the authority to punish all, whether Jew or Gentile, who do not conform to the gospel.—Eymerici Direct. Inquisitor, p. 353 (Ed. Venet. 1607).

[122] Concil. Toletan. IV, ann. 633, cap. 57—adopted into the canon law (Decr. cap. 5, Dist. XLV)—as well as a decretal of Gregory IV—“Judæi non sunt cogendi ad fidem, quam tamen si invite susceperint, cogendi sunt retinere” (Ibid. cap. 4). See also Ll. Wisigoth. Lib. XII, Tit. ii, l. 4 (Recared I), continued in Fuero Juzgo, XII, ii, 4.

The Jew who had been baptized in infancy, or who accepted baptism as an alternative of death, and reverted to Judaism was to be prosecuted by the Inquisition as a heretic.—Nicholai, PP. IV. Bull. Turbato corde, 1288 (Bullar. Roman. I, 158, 179, 184, 263).—Cap. 13 in Sexto, Lib. V, Tit. ii.—Bernard. Guidon. Practica, P. v, § v, n. 1.—Pegnæ Comment. in Eymeric. Direct. Inquis., p. 349. For the established formula of interrogatory, of Jews see MSS. Bibl. National de France, Collect. Doat., T. XXXVII, fol. 258.

The forced conversion of Jews, so frequent throughout the Middle Ages, gave rise to many nice questions, exhaustively debated by the schoolmen. The subject is fully treated in a Tractatus de Judæorum et Christianorum communione, etc., printed in Strassburg about 1470 (Hain, 9465), in which, for convenient use and reference, is gathered together all the ecclesiastical legislation against the unfortunate race, forming a deplorable exhibition of human perversity.

[123] Concil. Toletan. IV, ann. 633, cap. 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66; Conc. VI, ann. 638, cap. 3; Conc. VIII, ann. 653, cap. 12; Conc. IX, ann. 655, cap. 17; Conc. X, ann. 656, cap. 7; Conc. XII, ann. 681, cap. 9; Conc. XIII, ann. 683, cap. 9; Conc. XVI, ann. 693, cap. 1.

Ll. Wisigoth. Lib. XII, Tit. ii, ll. 4-17; Tit. iii, ll. 1, 2, 10, 12, 16, 17, 19, 24 (Fuero Juzgo, ibidem.).

[124] S. Juliani Toleti Vit. Wambæ, n. 5, 28 (Florez, España Sagrada, VI, 536, 556).

[125] Concil. Toletan. XVII, ann. 694, cap. 8.

[126] Roderic. Toletan. de Rebus Hispan. Lib. III, cap. xvi.—Morales, Corónica General, T. VI, p. 361. Isidor of Beja, however, is the best authority for the period, and he speaks of Witiza in terms of high praise (Isidor. Pacens. Chron. n. 29, 30). See also Dozy, Recherches sur l’Histoire et la Littérature de l’Espagne, I, 16-17 (3e Éd. Leipzig, 1881).

[127] Rod. Toletan. op. cit. Lib. III, cap. xxii, xxiii.—Dozy, I, 49, 52.

[128] Dozy, I, 17, 44, 53, 54, 56, 72, 74-5, 79, 350-1.

[129] An interesting instance of Moslem toleration is seen in the Farfanes—Christians of Morocco who claimed to be the descendants of Goths deported at the conquest at the request of Count Julian. In 1386 they sent Sancho Rodríguez, one of their number, to Juan I to ask to be received back in Spain. Juan obtained from the King of Morocco permission for their departure, and promised to provide for them lands and support. In 1390 they came, numbering fifty cavaliers with their wives and children, and bringing a letter from the Moslem ruler speaking of them as nobles descended from the Goths and praising greatly their loyalty and valor. It was in riding out from Burgos to welcome them that Juan’s horse fell and caused his death. In 1394 Henry III gave them a confirmation of their ancient nobility, and in 1430 and 1433 we still find them recognized in Seville as a distinct class.—Ayala, Crón. de Juan I, año X, cap. xx.—Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, Lib. VIII, año 1386, n. 2; año 1390, n. 3; Lib. IX, año 1394, n. 1.—Archivo de Sevilla, Seccion primera, Carpeta clxxiv, n. 4, 8.

[130] Francisco Fernández y González, Estado de los Mudéjares de Castilla, pp. 14-18 (Madrid, 1866).—S. Eulogii Memorialis Sanctorum Lib. II, cap. xvi; Lib. III, cap. i (Migne’s Patrologia, CXV, 787, 800).

[131] Florez, España Sagrada, XI, 309 sqq.; V, Append. x.—Samsonis Abbatis Cordubensis Apolog. Lib. II (Ib. XI, 388 sqq.).—Alvari Cordubens. Epist. vii, viii (Ibid. XI, 147 sqq.).—Hostegesis was Bishop of Málaga, and the free exercise of discipline in the Mozárabic church is shown in the complaint of the cruelty with which he exacted the tercia or tribute due to him, causing delinquents to be paraded through the streets with soldiers scourging them and proclaiming that all defaulters should be similarly treated.—Florez, XII, 326.

[132] S. Eulogii Epist. iii (Migne, CXV, 845-9).—Alvari Cordubens. Vit. S. Eulogii (Ibid. 712).—The description by Alvar of his education with S. Eulogio shows that the Christian schools of Córdova were flourishing and active (Ibid. cap. i, p. 708).

[133] Alvari Cordubens. Vit. S. Eulogii, cap. iv, v.—Eulogii Memorialis Sanctorum Lib. II; Lib. III, cap. ii, iii, v, viii, xvii.—Ejusd. Vit. et Passio SS. Floræ et Mariæ.—Ejusd. Lib. Apologet. Martyrum.

[134] Aimoini Translatio SS. Georgii, Aurelii et Nathaliæ, Lib. I; Lib. II, cap. xxviii.

[135] Liutprandi Antopodosis, Lib. II, cap. i.

[136] Dozy, Recherches, II, 178.

[137] Fernández y González, p. 57.

[138] Dozy, Recherches, I, 265, 269, 349, 352-61.—Orderici Vital. Hist. Eccles. P. III, Lib. xiii, cap. 2.

[139] Crónica de Alfonso VII, cap. 46, 101 (España Sagrada, XXI, 360, 398).

[140] Dozy, Recherches, I, 370-1.—Fernández y González, p. 19.—See also an essay on the Mozárabes of Valencia by Don Roque Chabás, in the Boletin de la Real Academia de la Historia, XVIII, 19.

[141] Fernández y González, pp. 86-7, 93. The term Miramamolin, so often used by Christian writers as a personal name, is Amir-el-Momenin, or Prince of the Faithful, a title frequently assumed by Moorish rulers.

[142] Fernández y González, pp. 92, 96.

[143] Menéndez y Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles, I, 640-5.

[144] Dozy, Recherches, I, 365-7, 372-9.

[145] S. Eulogii Memorialis Sanctorum Lib. III, cap. iv.—Lindo’s History of the Jews of Spain, p. 44 (London, 1848).

[146] Lindo, p. 46.

[147] Dozy, Recherches, I, 285-9.

[148] Lindo, p. 62.

[149] Lindo, pp. 156-7.