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The origin and development of the moral ideas

DUTIES TO GODS (concluded)

Project Gutenberg EPUB3 edition Westermarck, Edward
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But “the purposes of witchcraft are now generally wicked; its processes generally involve moral guilt; the spirits invoked are, for the most part, avowedly evil and maleficent.”67 Among the Gaika tribe of the Kafirs “witchcraft is supposed to be an influence for evil, possessed by one individual over another, or others.”68 Among the Bondeis “the meaning of witchcraft is simply murder.”69 That witchcraft, as a malicious practice, must be a grave and at the same time frequent offence among savages, is obvious from the common belief that death, disease, and misfortunes of every description are caused by it. From a similar point of view it is condemned by polytheistic nations of a higher type. Among the Aztecs of ancient Mexico anybody who employed sorcery or incantations for the purpose of doing harm to the community or to individuals was sacrificed to the gods.70 The Chinese Penal Code punishes with death those who have been convicted of writing and editing books of sorcery, or of employing spells and incantations, “in order to agitate and influence the minds of the people.”71 But, according to Mr.
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Dennys, the hatred of witches and wizards cherished in the West does not seem to exist in China; “those reputed to possess magic powers are regarded with dread, but it is rare to hear of any of them coming to untimely end by mob violence.”72 The Laws of Ḫammurabi, the ancient Babylonian legislator, enjoin that “if a man weave a spell and put a ban upon a man, and has not justified himself, he that wove the spell upon him shall be put to death.”73 It is said in ‘Vishnu Purâna’ that he who practises magical rites “for the harm of others” is punished in the hell called Krimîsa.74 Among the ancient Teutons not every kind of magic but only such as was considered of injurious nature was criminal.75 In Rome, also, what was deemed harmless magic was left undisturbed, whereas, according to the ‘Law of the Twelve Tables,’ “he who affects another by magical arts or with poisonous drugs” is to be put to death;76 and during the Empire persons were severely persecuted for political astrology or divination practised with a view to discovering the successors to the throne.77 Plato, writes in his ‘Laws’:—“He who seems to be the sort of man who injures others by magic knots or enchantments or incantations or any of the like practices, if he be a prophet or divine, let him die; and, if not being a prophet, he be convicted of witchcraft, as in the previous case, let the court fix what he ought to pay or suffer.”78 As Mr.
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Lecky justly remarks, both in Greece and Rome the measures taken against witchcraft seem to have been almost entirely free from religious fanaticism, the magician being punished because he injured man and not because he offended God.79 Sometimes we find even among a polytheistic people that sorcery is particularly opposed by its priesthood;80 but the reason for this is no doubt hatred of rivals rather than religious zeal. Miss Kingsley, however, does not think that the dislike of witchcraft in West Africa at large has originally anything to do with the priesthood.81
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The religious intolerance which has accompanied the rise of monotheism is, as we have just observed, the result of the nature attributed to its godhead. But the evolution of religion does not end with the triumph of a jealous and irritable heavenly despot. There is a later stage where men believe in a god or supernatural power which is absolutely free from all human weakness, and in such a religion intolerance has no place. It has been said that the tolerant spirit of Buddhism82 is due to religious indifference,83 but the original cause of it seems to be the absence of a personal god; and the increasing tolerance of modern Christianity is undoubtedly connected with the more ethical view it takes of the Deity when compared with the opinions of earlier ages. It should be remembered, however, that religious toleration does not mean passive indifference with regard to dissenting religious ideas. The tolerant man may be a great propagandist. He may do his utmost to eradicate, by means of persuasion, what he considers to be a false belief. He may even resort to stronger measures against those who do mischief in the name of their religion. But he does not persecute anybody for the sake of his faith; nor does he believe in an intolerant and persecuting god.
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Supernatural beings, according to the belief of many races, desire to be worshipped not only because they depend upon human care for their subsistence or comfort, but because worship is an act of homage. We have seen that sacrifice, after losing its original significance, still survives as a reverent offering. So also prayer is frequently a tribute to the self-regarding pride of the god to whom it is addressed. A supplication is an act of humility, more or less flattering to the person appealed to and especially gratifying where, as in the case of a god, the granting of the request entails no deprivation or loss, but on the contrary is rewarded by the worshipper. Moreover, the request is very commonly accompanied by reverential epithets or words of eulogy; and praise, nay even flattery, is just as pleasant to superhuman as to human ears. Gods are addressed as great or mighty, as lords or kings, as fathers or grandfathers.84 A prayer of the ancient Peruvians began with the following words:—“O conquering Viracocha! Ever present Viracocha! Thou art in the ends of the earth without equal!”85 The ancient Egyptians flattered their gods,86 the Vedic and Zoroastrian hymns are full of praise. Muhammedans invoke Allah by sentences such as, “God is great,” “God is merciful,” “God is he who seeth and heareth.”
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Words of praise, as well as words of thanks, addressed to a god, may certainly be the expressions of unreflecting admiration or gratitude, free from all thought of pleasing him; but where laudation is demanded by the god as a price for good services, it is simply a tribute to his vanity. There is a Chinese story which amusingly illustrates this little weakness of so many gods:—At the hottest season of the year there was a heavy fall of snow at Soochow. The people, in their consternation, went to the temple of the Great Prince to pray. Then the spirit moved one of them to say, “You now address me as Your Honour. Make it Your Excellency, and, though I am but a lesser deity, it may be well worth your while to do so.” Thereupon the people began to use the latter term, and the snow stopped at once.87 The Hindus say that by praise a person may obtain from the gods whatever he desires.88
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We have different means of gratifying a person’s self-regarding pride: one is to praise him, another is to humiliate ourselves. Both have been adopted by men with reference to their gods. Besides hymns of praise there are hymns of penitence, the object of which is largely to appease the angry feelings of offended gods. Prayers for remission of sins form a whole literature among peoples like that of the Vedic age, the Chaldeans,89 and the Hebrews, who commonly regarded calamities to which men were subject not as the result of an inexorable fate nor as the machinations of evil spirits, but as divine punishments. According to early ideas, as we have seen, sin is a substance charged with injurious energy, from which the infected person tries to rid himself by mechanical means.90 But at the same time the effect of sin is conceived as a divine punishment, and this suggests atonement. In the Rig-Veda we not only hear of the removal of sins by magical operations, but the gods are requested to free the sufferer from his sin.91
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Gods are fond of prayers not only as expressions of humility or repentance but for other reasons as well. In early religion a prayer is commonly connected with an offering, since the god is not supposed to bestow his favours gratuitously.92 By the call contained in it he is invited to partake of the offering, or his attention is drawn to it.93 “Compassionate father!” says the Tanna priest when he offers first-fruits to a deified ancestor; “here is some food for you, eat it, and be kind to us on account of it!”94 In one of the Pahlavi texts it is said that when the guardian spirits of the righteous are invited they accept the sacrifice, whereas if they are not invited “they go up the height of a spear and will remain.”95 Throughout the Yasts we hear of the claims of deities to be worshipped with sacrifices in which they are invoked by their own names and with the proper words.96 Mithra complains, “If men would worship me with a sacrifice in which I were invoked by my own name, as they worship the other Yazatas with sacrifices in which they are invoked by their own names, then I would come to the faithful at the appointed time.”97 According to Vedic and Zoroastrian texts the gods were purified, strengthened, and encouraged not only by offerings but by prayers, although it is difficult in this respect to distinguish between two elements in one and the same rite which are so closely interwoven with each other.98 By his invocations man assists the gods in their combats with evil demons, he sends his prayer between the earth and the heavens there to smite the fiends.99 In a Vedic
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hymn the people are exhorted to “sing to Indra a song very destructive to the demons.”100 By pronouncing the praise of Asha, Zarathustra brings the Daevas to naught;101 by mentioning the name of Ahura Mazda their malice is most effectually destroyed.102 Thus prayer may be a religious duty also on account of the magic efficacy ascribed to it, and the same is the case with incantations directed against evil spirits.

Source notes

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61 Lea, History of the Inquisition, iii. 422, 453. Pollock and Maitland, History of English Law before the Time of Edward I. ii. 552 sqq. Milman, op. cit. ix. 69. Lecky, Rise and Influence of Rationalism in Europe, i. 26. Keary, Outlines of Primitive Belief among the Indo-European Races, p. 511 sqq. Rogers, Social Life in Scotland, iii. 265, 268. Ralston, Songs of the Russian People, pp. 386, 416 sq.
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62Exodus, xxii. 18. Leviticus, xix. 26, 31; xx. 6, 27. Deuteronomy, xviii. 10 sqq.
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63 Polak, Persien, i. 348. Lane, Modern Egyptians, i. 333.
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64Supra, i. 189 sq. Cruickshank, Eighteen Years on the Gold Coast, ii. 179. Bowdich, Mission to Ashantee, p. 260. Johnston, British Central Africa, p. 403 (Bakongo). Cunningham, Uganda, pp. 35 (Banyoro), 140 (Bavuma), 305 (Basukuma), Arnot, Garenganze, p. 75. Decle, Three Years in Savage Africa, p. 76 (Barotse). Casalis, Basutos, p. 229. Kidd, The Essential Kafir, p. 148 sq. Sibree, The Great African Island, p. 292 (Malagasy). Swettenham, Malay Sketches, p. 196 (Malays of Perak). Dalton, Ethnology of Bengal, (Oraons). Egede, Description of Greenland, p. 123 sq. Krause, Die Tlinkit-Indianer, p. 293 sq. Jones, quoted by Kohler, ‘Die Rechte der Urvölker Nordamerikas,’ in Zeitschr. f. vergl. Rechtswiss. xii. 412 (Chippewas). Morgan, League of the Iroquois, p. 330; Seaver, Life of Mrs. Jemison, p. 167 (Iroquois). Powell, ‘Wyandot Government,’ in Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn. i. 67. Stevenson, ‘Sia,’ ibid. xi. 19. Lumholtz, Unknown Mexico, i. 325 (Tarahumares). Forbes, ‘Aymara Indians of Bolivia and Peru,’ in Jour. Ethn. Soc. N. S. ii. 236, n. *
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66Cf. Dorsey, ‘Omaha Sociology,’ in Ann. Rep. Bur. Ethn. iii. 364.
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67 Rowley, Religion of the Africans, p. 125 sq. See also Kidd, The Essential Kafir, p. 148.
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68 Maclean, Compendium of Kafir Laws, p. 123.
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69 Dale, in Jour. Anthr. Inst. xxv. 223.
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70 Bancroft, Native Races of the Pacific States, ii. 462.
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71Ta Tsing Leu Lee, sec. cclvi. p. 273.
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72 Dennys, Folk-Lore of China, p. 80.
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75 Brunner, Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, ii. 678.
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76Lex Duodecim Tabularum, viii. 25.
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77 Lecky, History of European Morals, i. 420.
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79 Lecky, Rationalism in Europe, i. 18.
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80 Kingsley, West African Studies, p. 137. Rink, Greenland, p. 201.
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81 Kingsley, West African Studies, p. 135 sq.
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82 Hardy, Eastern Monachism, p. 412. Monier-Williams, Buddhism, p. 126. Waddell, Buddhism of Tibet, p. 568. Edkins, Religion in China, p. 127. Gutzlaff, Sketch of Chinese History, i. 70. Forbes, British Burma, p. 322 sq.
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83 Forbes, op. cit. p. 322. Cf. Kuenen, Hibbert Lectures on National and Universal Religions, p. 290.
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84 See Brinton, Religions of Primitive Peoples, p. 105.
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85 de Molina, ‘Fables and Rites of the Yncas,’ in Narratives of the Rites and Laws of the Yncas, p. 33.
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86 Amélineau, L’évolution des idées morales dans l’Égypte ancienne, p. 214.
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87 Giles, Strange Stories from a Chinese Studio, ii. 294.
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88 Ward, View of the History, Literature, and Religion of the Hindoos, ii. 69.
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89 Zimmern, Babylonische Busspsalmen, passim. Mürdter-Delitzsch, Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens, p. 38 sq. Delitzsch, Wo lag das Paradies? p. 86. Hommel, Die semitischen Völker und Sprachen, p. 315 sqq. Meyer, Geschichte des Alterthums, i. 178.
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91 See Oldenberg, Die Religion des Veda, pp. 292, 296, 317 sq.

Source attribution

The origin and development of the moral ideas, Project Gutenberg eBook #52106

Before CHAPTER XLIX DUTIES TO GODS (concluded) Before CHAPTER L GODS AS GUARDIANS OF MORALITY