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The origin and development of the moral ideas

Before CHAPTER XXXVII RESTRICTIONS IN DIET

Project Gutenberg EPUB3 edition Westermarck, Edward
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We have seen that savages consider it a duty for a married man to support his family,28 and this in most cases implies that he is under an obligation to do a certain amount of work. We have also seen that the various occupations of life are divided between the sexes according to rules fixed by custom,29 and this means that absolute idleness is not generally tolerated in either men or women, though the drudgeries of life are often imposed upon the latter. Of some uncivilised peoples we are directly told that they enjoin work as a duty or regard industry as a virtue. The Greenlanders esteem addiction to labour as the chief of virtues and believe that the industrious man will have a very happy existence after death.30 The Atkha Aleuts prohibited laziness.31 Mr. Batchelor relates an Ainu fable which encourages diligence and discourages idleness in young people.32 The Karens of Burma have a traditional precept which runs, “Be not idle, but labour diligently, that you may not become slaves.”33 The Maoris say, “Let industry be rewarded, lest idleness gets the advantage.”34 The Malagasy likewise inculcate industry in many of their proverbs.35 The Basutos have a saying that “perseverance always triumphs.”36 Among the Bachapins, a Bechuana tribe conspicuous for its activity, “a man’s merit is estimated principally by his industry, and the words múnŏnă usináachă (an industrious man) are an expression of high approbation and praise; while he who is seldom seen to hunt, to prepare skins for clothing, or to sew koboes, is accounted a worthless and disgraceful member of society.”37 Among
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the Beni M’zab in the Sahara—an industrious people inhabiting a sterile country—boys are already at the age of six years compelled by law to begin to work, either in driving a camel or ass, or in drawing water for the gardens.38 We may expect to find industry especially insisted upon by uncivilised peoples who are habitually addicted to it, partly because it is a necessity among them, partly owing to the influence of habit.
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But instead of being regarded as a duty, industrial activity is not infrequently looked down upon as disreputable for a free man. This is especially the case among warlike nations, nomadic tribes, and peoples who have many slaves. In Uganda, for instance, the prevalence of slavery “causes all manual labour to be looked upon as derogatory to the dignity of a free man.”39 The Masai40 and Matabele41 consider that the only occupation which becomes a man is warfare. The Arabs of the desert hold labour humiliating to anybody but a slave.42 Speaking of the Turkomans, Vámbéry observes that “in his domestic circle, the nomad presents us a picture of the most absolute indolence. In his eyes it is the greatest shame for a man to apply his hand to any domestic occupation.”43 The Chippewas “have ever looked upon agricultural and mechanical labours as degrading,” and “have regarded the use of the bow and arrow, the war-club and spear, as the noblest employments of man.”44 Among the Iroquois “the warrior despised the toil of husbandry, and held all labour beneath him.”45 Though an industrious race, the Maoris considered it more honourable, as well as more desirable, to acquire property by war and plunder than by labour.46 Among the Line Islanders it is undignified for a landholder to do work of any kind, except to make weapons, hence he employs persons of the lower class to work for him.47 In Nukahiva the people of distinction “suffer the nails on the fingers to grow very long, that it may be evident they are not accustomed to hard labour.”48 This contempt for industrial activity is easy
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to explain. A man who earns his livelihood by labour is considered to be lacking in those qualities which are alone admired—courage and strength;—or work is associated with the idea of servile subjection. It is also universally held degrading for a man to engage in any occupation which belongs to the women.49 Thus among hunting and pastoral peoples it would be quite out of place for him to supply the household with vegetable food.50 On the other hand, when agriculture became an indispensable means to maintenance of life it at the same time became respectable. But trade was scorned, probably, as Mr. Spencer suggests, because it was carried on chiefly by unsettled persons, who were detached, untrustworthy members of a community in which most men had fixed positions.51 The Kandhs “consider it beneath their dignity to barter or traffic, and …. regard as base and plebeian all who are not either warriors or tillers of the soil.”52 The Javans “have a contempt for trade, and those of higher rank esteem it disgraceful to be engaged in it; but the common people are ever ready to engage in the labours of agriculture, and the chiefs to honour and encourage agricultural industry.”53
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Progress in civilisation implies an increase of industry. Both the necessities and the comforts of life grow more numerous; hence more labour is required to provide for them, and at the same time there is more inducement to accumulate wealth. The advantages, both private and public, accruing from diligence are more clearly recognised, and the government, in particular, is anxious that the people should work so as to be able to pay their taxes. All this leads to condemnation of idleness and approbation of industry; and the influence of habit must operate in the same direction among a nation whose industrial propensities have been the cause of its civilisation. But in the archaic State war is still regarded as a nobler occupation than labour; and whilst agriculture is held in honour, trade and handicraft are frequently despised.

Source notes

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19 Man, Sonthalia, p. 19. Hodgson, Miscellaneous Essays, i. 152 (Bódo and Dhimáls). Macpherson, Memorials of Service in India, p. 81 (Kandhs).
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20 Burckhardt, Arabic Proverbs, p. 219.
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21 Beltrame, Il Sénnaar, i. 166. Tuckey, Expedition to Explore the River Zaire, p. 369. Johnston, The River Congo, p. 402 (Bakongo). Casati, Ten Years in Equatoria, i. 85 (Abaka Negroes). Wilson and Felkin, Uganda, ii. 310 (Gowane people). Burton, Zanzibar, ii. 96 (Wanika). Bonfanti, ‘L’incivilimento dei negri nell’ Africa intertropicale,’ in Archivio per l’antropologia e la etnologia, xv. 133 (Bantu). Andersson, Lake Ngami, p. 231 (Herero). Magyar, Reisen in Süd-Afrika, p. 290 (Kimbunda). Kropf, Das Volk der Xosa-Kaffern, p. 89. Tyler, Forty Years among the Zulus, p. 194. Ellis, History of Madagascar, i. 140. Shaw, ‘Betsileo Country and People,’ in Antananarivo Annual, iii. 81.
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22 Baker, Ismailïa, p. 56 (Shilluk). Baumann, Usambara, p. 244 (Wapare). Bosman, Description of the Coast of Guinea, p. 318 (Negroes of Fida). Andersson, Notes on Travel in South Africa, p. 235 (Ovambo). See also infra, p. 272.
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24 Wilson and Felkin, op. cit. i. 225.
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25 Andersson, Lake Ngami, p. 335. See also Kolben, Present State of the Cape of Good-Hope, i. 46, 324; Barrow, Travels into the Interior of Southern Africa, i. 152; Fritsch, Die Eingeborenen Süd-Afrika’s, p. 324 (Hottentots).
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26 Bridges, ‘Manners and Customs of the Firelanders,’ in A Voice for South America, xiii. 203 (Fuegians). Dobrizhoffer, Account of the Abipones, ii. 151; but he praises the Abiponian women for their unwearied industry (ibid. ii. 151 sq.). Brett, Indian Tribes of Guiana, p. 343; Kirke, Twenty-five Years in British Guiana, p. 150. Domenech, Seven Years’ Residence in the Great Deserts of North America, ii. 190. Burton, City of the Saints, p. 126 (Sioux). Harmon, Voyages and Travels in the Interior of North America, p. 285 (Tacullies). Meares, Voyages to the North-West Coast of America, p. 265 (Nootkas).
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27 Cranz, History of Greenland, i. 126. Armstrong, Narrative of the Discovery of the North-West Passage, p. 196 (Western Eskimo).
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31 Yakof, quoted by Petroff, Report on Alaska, p. 158.
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32 Batchelor, Ainu of Japan, p. 111.
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33 Smeaton, Loyal Karens of Burma, p. 255.
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34 Taylor, Te Ika a Maui, p. 293. See also Johnston, Maoria, p. 43.
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35 Clemes, ‘Malagasy Proverbs,’ in Antananarivo Annual, iv. 29.
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37 Burchell, Travels in the Interior of Southern Africa, ii. 557.
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38 Tristram, The Great Sahara, p. 207 sq.
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39 Wilson and Felkin, op. cit. i. 186.
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41 Holub, ‘Die Ma-Atabele,’ in Zeitschr. f. Ethnol. xxv. 198.
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42 Burton, Pilgrimage to Al-Madinah & Meccah, ii. 10.
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43 Vámbéry, Travels in Central Asia, p. 320.
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44 Schoolcraft, Archives of Aboriginal Knowledge, v. 150.
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45 Morgan, League of the Iroquois, p. 329.
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46 Travers, ‘Life and Times of Te Rauparaha,’ in Trans. New Zealand Inst. v. 29.
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47 Tutuila, ‘Line Islanders,’ in Jour. Polynesian Soc. i. 266.
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48 von Langsdorf, Voyages and Travels, i. 174.
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51 Spencer, Principles of Ethics, i. 429.
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52 Campbell, Wild Tribes of Khondistan, p. 50.

Source attribution

The origin and development of the moral ideas, Project Gutenberg eBook #52106

SELF-REGARDING DUTIES AND VIRTUES—INDUSTRY—REST RESTRICTIONS IN DIET