The Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic An...

1291. Mommsen, C. I. L. 1. 288.

1292. Fast. Praen. on Jan. 15 (mutilated). Cp. Ovid, Fast. 1. 619, and Plut. Q. R. 56. Festus, 245.

1293. By Huschke, Röm. Jahr, 199. There was probably more than one Carmenta (Gell. 16. 16. 4), if we consider Porrima and Postverta as two forms of the goddess; and the two days may have some relation to this duality. Perhaps there were two altars in the temple. Ovid, Fasti, 1. 627.

1294. Plut. Romulus, 21.

1295. See Wissowa in Lex. Myth. i. 851; Ovid. Fasti, 1. 461 foll.; Virg. Aen. 8. 336. The eighth Aeneid, it may be remarked, should be learnt by heart by all investigators into Roman antiquity.

1296. Plut. Q. R. 56: cp. Dion. Hal. 1. 31. 1-9, from whom Plutarch may have drawn his information, directly or perhaps through Juba. For the temple they built cp. Gell. 18. 7. 2. If this temple be a different one from that under the Capitol, it may suggest an explanation of the double festival.

1297. Studies in Latin Literature, p. 48 foll.; Journal of Philology, xi. 178.

1298. See on Fortuna, above, p. 167.

1299. Ovid, Fast. 1. 633; Varro in Gell. 16. 6. 4. Nettleship takes a different view of these words. But see Wissowa in Lex. 1. 853; Preller, i. 406.

1300. St. Augustine, C. D. 4. 11 ‘In illis deabus quae fata nascentibus canunt et vocantur Carmentes.’

1301. Asiatic Studies, p. 20.

1302. Cic. Brut. 14. 56; C. I. L. vi. 3720; and Eph. Ep. iv. 759. The rite of Jan. 11 is called ‘sacrum pontificale’ by Ovid (Fast. 1. 462), whence we infer that the pontifices had a part in it as well as the flamen.

1303. Ovid, Fast. 1. 629. Cp. Varro, L. L. 7. 84. This passage of Varro may possibly raise a doubt whether the taboo did not arise from a mistaken interpretation of the words scortum and pellicula, as Carmenta was especially worshipped by matrons.

1304. The more so as we have no inscriptions relating to Carmenta. Though her flaminium continued to exist under the Empire, she herself practically disappeared. I am inclined to guess that her attributes were to some extent usurped by the more popular and plebeian Fortuna.

1305. Solinus, 1. 13; Serv. Aen. 8. 336 and 337.

1306. See especially under April 1 and 28, the days of Fortuna virilis and Flora.

1307. Ovid, Fasti, 6. 223 foll.

1308. Juturnalia, Serv. Aen. 12. 139.

1309. Jordan, Topogr. 1. 2. 370; Wissowa in Lex. s. v. Iuturna.

1310. Aust, de Aedibus sacris, p. 45.

1311. Sementinae, according to Jordan in Prell. 2. 5, note 2.

1312. Fasti, 1. 658 foll.

1313. Paganicae (feriae), Varro, L. L. 6. 26. Varro seems to separate the two: after mentioning the Sementinae, which he says was ‘sationis causa susceptae,’ he goes on ‘Paganicae eiusdem agriculturae susceptae, ut haberent in agris omnes pagi,’ &c. But the distinction is perhaps only of place; or if of time also, yet not of object and meaning.

1314. So Marq. 199, and Hartmann, Röm. Kal. 203. Preller thinks the Sementinae were in September, before the autumn sowing; and it is possible that there were two feasts of the name, one before the autumn, another before the spring, sowing. Lydus (de Mens. 3. 3) speaks of two days separated by seven others; on the former they sacrificed to Tellus (Demeter), on the latter to Ceres (Κόρη); two successive nundinae (market-days) are here meant.

1315. Cp. Scholiast on Persius, 4. 28; and see under Compitalia, Jan. 3-5.

1316. Ovid, 1. 661.

1317. R. R. 1. 34; Plin. N. H. 18. 204.

1318. Cp. Varro, R. R. 1. 29, 36. Cp. the Rustic Calendars for February.

1319. Varro, L. L. 6. 26 ‘sationis causa’; and Lydus says that the feast could not be ‘stativae,’ because the ἀρχὴ σπόρου cannot be fixed to a day. Lydus’ reason is not a good one, if the sowing did not begin till Feb. 7; but it is plain that he understands the rites as prophylactic. I may note that Columella seems to know little about spring sowing (II. 2: cp. 2. 8). Mommsen, R. H. ii. 364, says that spring sowing was exceptional.

1320. See under Cerialia, April 19.

1321. Ad Virg. Georg. 2. 385; Marq. 200 and 192, where the old explanation (Macr. 1. 7. 34) seems to be adopted, that these were substitutes for human or other victims (cp. Bötticher, Baumkultus, 80 foll.). We have no clear evidence for this, and I am not disposed to accept it.

1322. 2. 42. So Plut. Coriol. 3.

1323. Momms. C. I. L. 1. 308; Jordan, Eph. Ep. 1. 236; Aust, de Aedibus sacris, 43.

1324. Dion. Hal. 6. 13; Liv. 2. 20.

1325. Suetonius, Tib. 20; Aust, op. cit. p. 6.

1326. Weight must, however, be given to the fact that the transvectio equitum took place on July 15. Aust, 43, and Furtwängler in Lex. s. v. Dioscuri.

1327. Middleton, Ancient Rome, p. 174; Lanciani, Ruins and Excavations of Ancient Rome, p. 271 foll.

1328. Mommsen, Münzwesen, 301, 559.

1329. Pydna, Cic. N. D. 3. 5. II; Verona (101 B.C.), Plut. Mar. 26. The most famous application of the story is in the accounts of the great fight between Locri and Kroton at the river Sagra: this was probably the origin of the Italian legends. See Preller, ii. 301.

1330. Albert, le Culte de Castor et Pollux en Italie, 1883. Cp. Furtwängler, l. c.