FOOTNOTES (continued 1)
Project Gutenberg EPUB3 edition
Babur, Emperor of Hindustan and Beveridge, Annette Susannah
Source notes
[485]Cf. f. 30.
[486]Cf. f. 37b.
[487]i.e. scout and in times of peace, huntsman. On the margin of the Elph. Codex here stands a note, mutilated in rebinding;—Sl. Aḥmad pidr-i-Qūch Beg ast * * * pidr-i-Sher-afgan u Sher-afgan * * * u Sl. Ḥusain Khān * * * Qūch Beg ast. Hamesha * * * dar khāna Shaham Khān * * *.
[488]pītīldī; W.-i-B. navishta shud, words indicating the use by Bābur of a written record.
[489]Cf. f. 6b and note and f. 17 and note.
[490]tūlūk; i.e. other food than grain. Fruit, fresh or preserved, being a principal constituent of food in Central Asia, tūlūk will include several, but chiefly melons. “Les melons constituent presque seuls vers le fin d'été, la nourriture des classes pauvres (Th. Radloff. l.c. p. 343).
[491]Cf. f. 6b and note.
[492]tūlkī var. tūlkū, the yellow fox. Following this word the Ḥai. MS. has u dar kamīn dūr instead of u rangīn dūr.
[493]bī ḥadd; with which I.O. 215 agrees but I.O. 217 adds farbih, fat, which is right in fact (f. 2b) but less pertinent here than an unlimited quantity.
[494] Here a pun on ‘ajab may be read.
[495]Cf. f. 15, note to T̤aghāī.
[496] Apparently not the usual Kīndīr-līk pass but one n.w. of Kāsān.
[497] A ride of at least 40 miles, followed by one of 20 to Kāsān.
[498]Cf. f. 72 and f. 72b. Tīlba would seem to have left Taṃbal.
[499]Taṃbalnīng qarāsī.
[500]i.e. the Other (Mid-afternoon) Prayer.
[501]ātīnīng būīnīnī qātīb.Qātmāq has also the here-appropriate meaning of to stiffen.
[502]aīlīk qūshmāq, i.e. Bābur’s men with the Kāsān garrison. But the two W.-i-B. write merely dast burd and dast kardan.
[503] The meaning of Ghazna here is uncertain. The Second W.-i-B. renders it by ar. qaryat but up to this point Bābur has not used qaryat for village. Ghazna-namangān cannot be modern Namangān. It was 2 m. from Archīān where Taṃbal was, and Bābur went to Bīshkhārān to be between Taṃbal and Machamī, coming from the south. Archīān and Ghazna-namangān seem both to have been n. or n.w. of Bīshkārān (see maps).
It may be mentioned that at Archīān, in 909 AH. the two Chaghatāī Khāns and Bābur were defeated by Shaibānī.
[504]bīzlār. The double plural is rare with Bābur; he writes bīz, we, when action is taken in common; he rarely uses mīn, I, with autocratic force; his phrasing is largely impersonal, e.g. with rare exceptions, he writes the impersonal passive verb.
[505]bāshlīghlār. Teufel was of opinion that this word is not used as a noun in the B.N. In this he is mistaken; it is so used frequently, as here, in apposition. See ZDMG, xxxvii, art. Bābur und Abū‘l-faẓl.
[506]Cf. f. 54 foot.
[507]Cf. f. 20. She may have come from Samarkand and ‘Alī’s household or from Kesh and the Tarkhān households.
[508]Cf. f. 26 l. 2 for the same phrase.
[509] He is the author of the Shaibānī-nāma.
[510]dāng and fils (infra) are small copper coins.
[511]Cf. f. 25 l. 1 and note 1.
[512] Probably the poet again; he had left Harāt and was in Samarkand (Sh. N. Vambéry, p. 34 l. 14).
[513] From what follows, this Mughūl advance seems a sequel to a Tarkhān invitation.
[514] By omitting the word Mīr the Turkī text has caused confusion between this father and son (Index s.nn.).
[515]bīz khūd kharāb bū mu‘āmla aīdūk. These words have been understood earlier, as referring to the abnormal state of Bābur’s mind described under Sec. r. They better suit the affairs of Samarkand because Bābur is able to resolve on action and also because he here writes bīz, we, and not mīn, I, as in Sec. r.
[516] For būlghār, rendezvous, see also f. 78 l. 2 fr. ft.
[517] 25 m. only; the halts were due probably to belated arrivals.
[518] Some of his ties would be those of old acquaintance in Ḥiṣār with ‘Alī’s father’s begs, now with him in Samarkand.
[519] Point to point, some 90 m. but further by road.
[520]Bū waqi‘ būlghāch, manifestly ironical.
[521] Sangzār to Aūrā-tīpā, by way of the hills, some 50 miles.
[522] The Sh. N. Vambéry, p. 60, confirms this.
[523]Cf. f. 74b.