The Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic An...

1338. See Marq. 259; Bouché-Leclercq, Les Pontifes, 101 foll.

1339. Marq. 180, Bouché-Leclercq, 178.

1340. See Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, p. 406.

1341. Fasti, 2. 19 foll.

1342. This difficult line has occasioned much conjecture, and seems still inexplicable. See Merkel, Fasti, clxvi foll.; and De-Marchi, op. cit. p. 246.

1343. Aust, De Aedibus sacris, pp. 21, 45, 48. On this last page are some useful remarks on the danger of drawing conclusions as to the indigenous or foreign origin of deities from the position of their temples inside or outside the pomoerium.

1344. Fasti, 2. 55 foll.

1345. Livy, 33. 42; 34. 53. Jordan, in Commentationes in hon. Momms. 359 foll.; Aust, op. cit. p. 20.

1346. See Dict. of Antiq. s.v. sacra. Fest. 245 a ‘Publica sacra, quae publico sumptu pro populo fiunt: quaeque pro montibus, pagis, curiis, sacellis.’

1347. Ovid, Fasti, 2. 527. See under Quirinalia.

1348. See on April 15. There must have been at one time a tendency to amalgamate the two kinds of sacra publica. The argei were also attended by Pontifices and Vestals. I should conjecture that the Pontifices claimed supervision over rites in which they had originally no official locus standi, and brought the Vestals with them.

1349. Mommsen, Staatsrecht. iii. 1. 89 foll.

1350. Ἱεραὰ οἰκίαι, Dion. Hal. 2. 23; Fest. 174 b; Marq. 195.

1351. Dion. Hal. 2. 23.

1352. Ib. 2. 50. The Latin words are from Paul, 64.

1353. Jordan, on Preller, i. 278 note. Roscher, in Lex. s. v. Iuno, 596. Curis = hasta in Sabine; Fest. 49; Roscher, l. c.; Ovid, Fasti, 2. 477.

1354. Cp. the parting of the bride’s hair with a spear, Marq. vii. 44 and note 5; Plut. Q. R. 87; Bötticher, Baumkultus, 485; Schwegler, R. G. i. 469.

1355. The same connexion between curiae and the armed deity of the female principle is found at Tibur (Serv. Aen. 1. 17), ‘in sacris Tiburtibus sic precantur: Iuno curritis (sic) tuo curru clipeoque tuere meos curiae vernulas,’ Jordan, in Hermes, 8. 217 foll. Possibly also at Lanuvium (Lex. s. v. Iuno, 595).

1356. Varro, L. L. 5. 83 and 155; Marq. 195.

1357. This has been done by O. Gilbert (Gesch. und Topogr. 2, 129 foll.), an author who is not often so helpful. He is followed by Steuding, in Lex. Myth. s. v. Fornax.

1358. Paul. 93 (cp. 83), ‘Fornacalia feriae institutae sunt farris torrendi gratia quod ad fornacem quae in pistrinis erat sacrificium fieri solebat.’ Dionysius was probably referring to this when he wrote (2. 23) that he had himself seen ancient wooden tables spread with rude cakes of primitive fashion in baskets and dishes of primitive make. He also mentions καρπῶν τινων ἐπαρχάς (cp. Ovid, l. c. 520), which might indeed suggest a feast of curiae at a different time of year. For the far, see Marq. vii. 399 foll. The cakes were februa, according to Ovid; see above, p. 301.

1359. Comp. Ovid, l. c. with Fest. 254; Paul. 316; Varro, L. L. 6. 13; Plut. Q. R. 89.

1360. H. N. 18. 8; Lange, Röm. Alt. 1. 2. 245.

1361. Fasti, 2. 527 foll.

1362. That it was so is proved by Fest. 254, and Varro, L. L. 6. 13. It must have been a custom fairly well fixed.

1363. ii. 9.

1364. 2. 23, Ἐγὼ γοῦν ἐθεασάμην ἐν ἱεραῖς οἰκάις δεῖπνα προκείμενα θεοῖς ἐπὶ τραπέζαις ξυλίναις ἀρχαικαῖς, ἐν κάνησι καὶ πινακίσκοις κεραμέοις ἀλφίτων μάζας καὶ πόπανα καὶ ζέας καὶ καρπῶν τινων ἐπαρχάς &c.

1365. Fasti, 2. 525. What does Ovid mean by fruges?

1366. Paul. 93, quoted above; Ovid, l. c. 525. Fornax as a spirit may be at least as old as those of other parts of the house, Janus, Vesta, Limentinus, &c.

1367. Mommsen, Röm. Forschungen, i. 149 foll.

1368. Lydus, de Mens. 4. 24. Lydus gives the 22nd as the final day; Ovid, Fasti, 2. 569, gives the 21st (Feralia).

1369. Dion. Hal. 2. 40.

1370. C. I. L. I². 309: cf. 297 (Introduction, p. 9). The Lupercalia (15th) is an exception; but for reasons connected with that festival. The 21st (Feralia) is F P (Caer.) F (Maff.). See Introduction, p. 10. F P, according to Mommsen, = fastus principio.

1371. If Ovid reflects it rightly in Fasti, 5. 419 foll. Cp. Porph. on Hor. Ep. 2. 2. 209. See on Lemuria, above, p. 107.

1372. On the vast subject of the jus Manium and the worship of the dead, the following are some of the works that may be consulted: Marq. 307 foll., and vii. 350 foll.; De-Marchi, Il Culto Privato, p. 180 foll.; Roscher, Lex. articles Manes and Inferi; Bouché-Leclereq, Pontifes, 147 foll.; Rohde, Psyche, p. 630 foll. Two old treatises still form the basis of our knowledge: Gutherius, de iure Manium, in Graevius’ Thesaurus, vol. xii.; and Kirchmann, de Funeribus (1605). Valuable matter has still to be collected (for later times) from the Corpus Inscriptionum.

1373. This was the universal practice in Italy from the earliest times, so far as we have as yet learnt from excavations. For the question whether burial in or close to the house, or within the city walls, preceded burial in necropoleis, see Classical Review, for February, 1897, p. 32 foll. Servius (Ad Aen. 5. 64; 6. 152; cp. Isidorus, 15. ii. 1) tells us that they once buried in the house, and there were facts that might suggest this in the cult of the Lares, and in the private ghost-driving of the Lemuria; but we cannot prove it, and it is not true of the Romans at any period. Not even the well-known law of the XII Tables can prove that burial ever regularly took place within the existing walls of a city.

1374. Cic. De Legg. 2. 48. Cp. Virg. Aen. 5. 49:

Iamque dies, ni fallor, adest, quern semper acerbum,

Semper honoratum—sic di voluistis—habebo.

1375. Marq. 311 foll.